Memphis World
Memphis World Publishing Co.
1951-09-25
Lewis O. Swingler

MEMPHIS WORLD
AMERICAN STANDARD
The South Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper
Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO.
Every TUESDAY and FRIDAY at 164 BEALE—Phone 8-4030
Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail
under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870
Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE
W.A. Scott, II, Founder; C.A. Scott, General Manager
LEWIS O. SWINGLER Editor
A.G. SHIELDS, Jr Advertising Manager
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and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things
it believe to the interest of its readers and opposing those things against
the interest of its readers.
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An Opportunity Being Overlooked
Too few of our college and high school students seem to be
taking advantage of the rich opportunities open to them in
the National Scholarship Service Fund for Negro students
to attend interracial colleges and high schools in the North,
West and Mid-west.
It is a service set up in 1947 with an advisory board
of 165 college presidents, white and Negro, scattered
throughout the United States. Since its organization four
years ago, the Fund has aided over 1,400 Negro students in
gaining admission and scholarships ranging in value from
$100 to $2,000 a year, at colleges and universities in the nonsegregated 
northern and western states.
To be eligible for such assistance, students must be juniors 
or seniors, rank in the top twenty-five per cent of their
class, maintain an average of B or better and have taken, a
college preparatory course. More and more Negro students
are-finding it less difficult than in former years to secure
scholarship assistance, at the interracial institutions. For
the brilliant and intellectually keen students, the opportunities 
are almost unlimited. However, the agency emphasizes
that its service does, not extend to students who wish to attend 
segregated Negro colleges. It also points out that its
primary purpose is to guide students to colleges and universities 
where scholarships are awarded. But in special cases,
it awards and supplements scholarships. Students wishing to
study at either the high school or college level under the
plan should write to: The National Scholarship Service and
Fund for Negro Students, 31 West 110th Street, New York
26, N. Y.

Worth Serious Study
The National Urban League has rendered a significant
service, both to Negroes and to the Beer Industry itself, in
calling attention to the serious inequalities which exist between 
the employment of Negroes and whites in the five
billion dollar brewery industry, one of America's biggest enterprises. 

Less than one per cent of the workers employed in this
industry, declared Lester B. Granger, the League's executive 
director, are Negroes. Of the 83,000 workers engaged
in the industry, the League's survey points out, approximately 
500 are Negroes and less than 25 are employed in
production. Even this low record is an improvement over the
1933 status. Since 1933, the survey states, Negroes have
found jobs in the brewing industry primarily as unskilled
workers, salesmen and promotion specialists for the Negro
market. Only a limited employ Negroes as driver-sales men.
We repeat, the brewing industry can learn a great deal
from the League's 'survey. And it can profit more from it.
For the time has come and now is when not only the brewing 
industries must exercise common sense, even if they will
not accept the Christian way, and give proper appreciation
for those who make up a considerable part of their consuming 
public, as Negroes undeniably are in the great beer and
whiskey industries.

Adding Insult To Injury

DeKalb County Jury Commissioners were instructed to
meet early this week to effectuate the two weeks' old order
of Superior Court Judge Frank Guess to place the names of
Negroes in jury boxes for the first time since Reconstruction 
Days in that county. The order came as a result of a
petition, filed by the three Edwards Brothers, on behalf of
19 year-old Aaron Robinson, challenging his indictment on
ground that no Negroes were on the Grand Jury which indieted 
him.
But, if we may be permitted to observe, they are proceeding 
on the wrong assumption. In the first place, Solicitor
General Roy Leathers expresses, the extraordinary position
that "I don't know a darky (Negro) with the intelligence,
character, honesty and integrity to serve on the jury." And
then, not being satisfied with this insult to Negroes of Georgia 
as well as to those of DeKalb County, the Solicitor expressed 
his true colors when he added: "As long as I have
got any strikes, there will have to be a lot of Negroes called
for one of them to serve. I've got ten strikes and I'll use all
of them on Negroes."
Thus, despite the mere theoretic conclusion to place the
names of Negroes on the jury rolls, in intent and purpose
there appears no genuine intentions to do much else besides.
And therein lies the crux of the problem. In most sections
of the Deep South, at least, officials start out with an attitude 
that because of the "Scottsboro" ruling, "we are under
obligation to place the names of Negroes in the jury boxes,
but in practice, that is as far as we intend to go. Accordingly,
for all practical purposes, the Scottsboro decision has made
little headway, insofar as enabling more and more Negroes
to be called for service.
The other unfortunate assumption in the DeKalb situation 
lies in the directive to School Superintendent Jim
Cherry to provide the Commissioners with a list of names
of Negro teachers. That is a sharp departure from the routine 
practice in Georgia. In most counties of the State;
teachers are generally excluded from such service for a number 
of good and sufficient reasons. In the first instance,
most teachers are residents of other counties and communities, 
and precious few of them are property owners. Moreover, 
the law stipulates that the jury rolls be made up from
among the taxpayers, meaning property owners. And despite
what the Solicitor may think, there are many Negroes in
DeKalb county who can qualify, for service. And to hold that
he does not know any Negroes with the character and intelligence 
to serve reflects an attitude of either complete
ignorance or prejudice. In either instance, such a concept is
wrong, in principle, wrong in outlook and wrong in fact. What
is more, what chance have Negroes in a court with such a
philosophy as its guiding principle?

REVIEWING
THE
NEWS
BY WILLIAM GORDON
Last week in Atlanta, a Negro mother was carried from the
Fulton County Superior Court uttering in a high voice, "Lord have
mercy! Lord have mercy."
The woman was the mother of James Avery, convicted and
given the death sentence on an alleged rape charge by an all
white jury, Avery is scheduled to die in the electric chair on
November 2.
On the same day in Eatonton, Ga. another man was sentenced 
to die in the chair. Newspaper headlines screamed out still
another incident involving four young Negro men who were
sentenced to die in Charleston, S. Carolina while another was
given a life sentence for the death of a white man. The electric
chairs will be kept rather busy in the deep South during the next
few months, and especially in South Carolina and Georgia. Anyone 
reading the newspapers in this country would get the impression 
that the only segment of our population which stands
out in crime is that of the Negro group.
The cries of Mrs. Avery, mother of the condemned youngster
here in Atlanta could be multiplied many times. There must
have been other mothers in other areas of the South calling out
for mercy in behalf of those who had become victims of what
seems to be more than a crime — rather a condition which has
been created by the communities in which we live. Many of these
young Negroes who go to the electric choirs in the South annually
are not guilty of the crimes they are accused of Being more specific, 
they are in most cases victims of a pattern and a tradition
being maintained by those who administer the law and deal out
what they themselves call justice.
Statistics will show that most of the victims of rape and
murder charges are young men from the pauperized sections of
the South and they live from day to day under a condition which
will poison the soul of any human being. They are Without the
proper educational and recreational facilities. They are denied
the right to earn a decent living as a human being and when it
comes to obtaining justice, before the law, they are represented
by people who have become prejudiced against the Negro and
everything that he represents. These charges may sound like
generalizations, but they are familiar to every man, woman and
child who is acquainted with Southern justice.
The six young Negroes who will no doubt die in the electric
chairs within the next few weeks represent the result of the kind
of justice in the South, which by and large needs correction. The
killing of these young Negroes will not solve the problem of
crime in the South. The death of these men will live as a stigma
to the leadership and the things we represent below the Mason
and Dixon Line.
Perhaps, the greatest social problem confronting the South
today, is the problem of making democracy work, here where
it is most needed. Until this problem is solved, the South's bid
for moral leadership throughout the country will continue to be
handicapped.
Among the most glaring breakdown in the working of democracy 
in the South is found in the unjust and uncharitable discrimination 
of justice as practiced against the Negro. Until this
defect in the operation of our machinery here is remedied it is
idle to say that we fallow the rest of the world in a program for
human rights. It is without question that the time has tome when
we must practice what we preach or stop preaching.

Stigma Of Southern Justice
BY WILLIAM GORDON
Last week in Atlanta, a Negro mother was carried from the
Fulton County Superior Court uttering in a high voice, "Lord have
mercy! Lord have mercy."
The woman was the mother of James Avery, convicted and
given the death sentence on an alleged rape charge by an all
white jury, Avery is scheduled to die in the electric chair on
November 2.
On the same day in Eatonton, Ga. another man was sentenced 
to die in the chair. Newspaper headlines screamed out still
another incident involving four young Negro men who were
sentenced to die in Charleston, S. Carolina while another was
given a life sentence for the death of a white man. The electric
chairs will be kept rather busy in the deep South during the next
few months, and especially in South Carolina and Georgia. Anyone 
reading the newspapers in this country would get the impression 
that the only segment of our population which stands
out in crime is that of the Negro group.
The cries of Mrs. Avery, mother of the condemned youngster
here in Atlanta could be multiplied many times. There must
have been other mothers in other areas of the South calling out
for mercy in behalf of those who had become victims of what
seems to be more than a crime — rather a condition which has
been created by the communities in which we live. Many of these
young Negroes who go to the electric choirs in the South annually
are not guilty of the crimes they are accused of Being more specific, 
they are in most cases victims of a pattern and a tradition
being maintained by those who administer the law and deal out
what they themselves call justice.
Statistics will show that most of the victims of rape and
murder charges are young men from the pauperized sections of
the South and they live from day to day under a condition which
will poison the soul of any human being. They are Without the
proper educational and recreational facilities. They are denied
the right to earn a decent living as a human being and when it
comes to obtaining justice, before the law, they are represented
by people who have become prejudiced against the Negro and
everything that he represents. These charges may sound like
generalizations, but they are familiar to every man, woman and
child who is acquainted with Southern justice.
The six young Negroes who will no doubt die in the electric
chairs within the next few weeks represent the result of the kind
of justice in the South, which by and large needs correction. The
killing of these young Negroes will not solve the problem of
crime in the South. The death of these men will live as a stigma
to the leadership and the things we represent below the Mason
and Dixon Line.
Perhaps, the greatest social problem confronting the South
today, is the problem of making democracy work, here where
it is most needed. Until this problem is solved, the South's bid
for moral leadership throughout the country will continue to be
handicapped.
Among the most glaring breakdown in the working of democracy 
in the South is found in the unjust and uncharitable discrimination 
of justice as practiced against the Negro. Until this
defect in the operation of our machinery here is remedied it is
idle to say that we fallow the rest of the world in a program for
human rights. It is without question that the time has tome when
we must practice what we preach or stop preaching.

In The
Nation's Capital
The fight over the selection of a
successor to the Rev. Marshall L.
Shepard as Recorded of Deeds of
the District of Columbia focused
attention upon the paucity of
Presidential appointments which
have gone to colored persons since
the Taft Administration.
President Truman broke away
from the traditional offices which
went to colored politicians under
every administration except that of
Woodrow Wilson, and set precedents 
by appointing Irving C. Mollison 
of Chicago, as a judge of the
United States Customs Court and
William H. Hastie or Charlotte
Amalie, Virgin Islands, and Washigton, 
D. C, as a judge of the
Third United States Circuit Court
of Appeals at Philadelphia.
He also appointed an additional
colored judge Andrew J. Howard,
to the Municipal Court of the District 
of Columbia, making two colored 
judges now members of that
13-member bench.
Other than those four judgeships 
and the vacant office of Recorder 
of Deeds, only three Presidential 
appointments. At the time,
colored persons. They are Edward
R. Dudley of New York, Minister to
Liberia; Monroe Dowling of New
York. Collector of Internal Revenue 
for the third district of New
York, and Herman E. Moore of
Chicago, judge of the United States
District Court for the Virgin
Islands.
The appointment of Hastie as an
appellate court judge resulted in
no gain in the number of Presidental 
appointments. At the time,
Hastie was the Governor of the
Virgin Islands, After his appointment, 
President Truman named
Morris F. de Castro, a native Virgin 
Islander, as Hastle's successor in
the islands.
Failure to give recognition to colored 
people by appointment of colored 
Democrats to Presidential offices 
is patently discriminatory.
The extent of the discrimination is
impossible of measurement.
Under the Taft Administration,
colored Republicans held Presiden
tial appointment of greater prestige
and in larger proportion to the
total number of such appointments
For example, the late William
H. Lewis of Boston was an Assistant 
Attorney General of the United 
States. No other colored person 
has since held a "Little Cabinet" 
job, although the number of
such jobs have been increased more
than four fold.
Under Taft, a colored man served
as Minister to Haiti. No colored
person has since represented the
United States Government at Port
au-Prince 
or in any other capital
of the world except Monrovia.
Under Taft, the late James C.
Napier and Bishop William T.
Vernon served as Registers of the
Treasury. No greenbacks were legal
tender without the signature of
Napier or Vernon during their
terms of office.
Under Taft, Charles Cottrell of
Ohio served as Collector of Customs 
at Honolulu, and the late
Charles W. Anderson was Collector 
of Internal Revenue at New
York.
Colored persons even held Presidential 
appointments in the South.
The father of State Senator Christopher 
C Wimbish of Illinois was
Collector of Internal Revenue at
Atlanta, and colored men headed
public land offices and served as
postmasters in various towns
throughout the South.
Even as late as the Harding Administration, 
Walter L. Cohen was
appointed Collector of Customs at
New Orleans.
Although the Federal Government 
has grown tremendously under 
the Roosevelt and Truman Administrations, 
and the number of
Presidential appointments have
correspondingly been increased,
the number of Colored persons getting 
such appointments has ot
keut pace with that increase.
There is no valid reason why that
should be so. Colored persons are
better prepared by training and
experience than were their forebears, 
and certainly if it had not
been for the colored vote, President 
Truman would not now be in
the White House.
Of course, the ideal, situation
would be the appointment to Presidential 
office of persons whose
training and competence qualified
them, regardless of politics, color
or other considerations. But race
and religion are still factors. For
example, when three vacancies on
Federal courts in Illinois were to
be filled, both President Truman
and Senator Paul Douglass were in
agreement that one should be a
Catholic, one a Jew and one a
Protestant, although they disagreed
on the individuals.

U. S. Orders 6 Pct.
Cut In Power Use
The government
ordered a six per cent power cut in
the pacific Northwest and set up
the machinery for further reductions 
which may become necessary
in the near future.
The initial effect of an order by
the Defense Electric Power Administration, 
headed by Interior Secretary 
Chapman will be to slash 200,000 
kilowatts of power from a total
of about 35 million kilowatts now
used in the area The order was effective 
at midnight Monday.
The order represents the first
area wide action taken under the
National Production Act to limit
use of electricity and govern distribution. 
It covers both private and
public electric power output.
The Depia said a further cut of
about 400,000 kilowatts may be necessary 
in the Pacific Northwest unless 
heavy rains boost the level of
less Columbia River and water stor
ed 
behind Grand Coulee Dam.
The agency said that the initial
power cut was necessary, because
these water levels have been seriously 
lowered, limiting the capacity
of power production facilities.
Chapman simultaneously established 
a Northwest Power Authority 
to classify power uses in that
area according to their priority. The
newly-created agency will administer 
the rationing or power if further 
cuts are necessary.
J. R. Guns of the Pacific Gas
and Electric Power Co., of Los Angeles, 
was appointed head of the
Northwest Power Authority.
The first cut of 200,00 kilowatts
will be made chiefly from "interruptable" 
power consumed by alumi
num 
plants at Vancouver, Wash.;
Long View, Wash.; Troutdale, Ore.,
and Spokane, Wash, "Interruptable"
power is provided under contracts
which permit a cut-off of energy
whenever the power supply becomes
low.

"Until These Ugly Shadows Are Removed, Asia Will Doubt"
WHITE SUPREMACY
DIVIDE - CONQUER - ENSLAVE

KILL 'EM WITH KINDNESS


CHAPTER SIXTEEN
McGANN was still staring after
her when Wexton came up. He
was thinking of a lighted window
that had gone dark the first time
that he had glanced out of the
Tompkins study to the building
across the court.
Wex on asked, "A doing?" 

"Sure The joint is jumping with
clues. Quote me on that"
They stood partly hidden by the
screen Before the serving table.
The wane which Tompkins had
ordered for himself was beginning
to hit its stride. A couple had
started to dance, barely moving
on the thick, rug. The guitar was
taking fast breaks on "There'll Be
Some Changes Made," apparently
another number on the Tompkins
personal hit parade.
Chary Jones was talking with
Farwell now. He was leaning over
her attentively, and whatever, he
was saying it made her laugh.
Gladys Mara was dazzling three
men, expertly switching from; one
to another, keeping them all dazedly 
hopeful.
McGann surveyed her gown
from this safer distance. "I think
we can eliminate her," he said,
"She isn't hiding anything."
Hope Harmon had completed exposition 
of Che showgirl slink and
was doing a refined grind. A grin
ning tat man was urging her on,
clapping out the rhythm.
"W h o's Two-ton?" McGann
Asked.
That's Billy" Besser," Wexton
said. "Heavy boy friend."
McGann was looking for the
redhead, Shirley Stanton. He saw
her in a green dress over near the
closed door leading into the Study.
Her white arms were up and she
was throwing slow jabs at a hulking 
man who seemed about to burst
the seam a of a tight dinner jacket.
Several men and women were
watching the performance. The
bored. "Is that her fighter?"
"Yeah — 'Hooker' Hunyak: She
bought him with part of the dough
Ronnie settled on her. Sha thinks
she's going to win the heavyweight
title with him."
"Is she?"
"I just hope she doesn't let one
go. As the hired help I'd probably
have to drag him out."
McGann straightened his bow
tie "I've got to circulate."
It seemed as if he were advancing 
into a layer or blue cirrus
clouds as he moved forward. The
heavy rug heightened the sensation 
of drifting dreamily. As he
approached Gladys Mars and her
trio of admirers, she flicked him
with her roving glance. He bowed
gallantly and when he looked up
she was talking to the man on her
right.
"One down," Wexton said behind
him.
McGann ignored him. Chary
Jones smiled warmly and Farwell
raised hand in greeting.
McGann paused briefly to approve 
the sinuous gyrations of Miss
flarmon, and the fat man caught
his eye. "Terrific, isn't she?" the
fat man said. His plump face was
shiny. McGann agreed that she
was definitely terrific. He might

have stayed longer but a hand
plucked at his sleeve. It was Irma
Nelson and her eyes were brighter
than ever.
"Hello, Hawkshaw," she said.
"How's the old slew or sleuth?"
She rubbed Her palm along his
cheek. "Got rid of the disguise,
eh?"
McGann assumed stern dignity.
"I am now disguised as a gentler
man," he said. Solly Spanish
seemed intent on convincing a
guest that the whole thing was too
noisy for a wake, right? McGann
patted Irma's cheek and told her
that he was having red broadloom
put on his fire-escape. There would
also be a chromium handrail.
"No sale," Irma said. "Your
coffee's lousy." She linked her arm
cozily through his. "C'mon, Sherlock, 
I want to see what that fake
redhead thinks she's doing."
As they reached the group,
"Hooker" Hunyak was demonstrating 
his famous punch. His eyes
were surprisingly mild beneath
beetling brows but the tuxedo was
straining at every seam.
The men watched in frank admiration. 
Shirley Stanton patted
his bulging bleep affectionately, as
she might have soothed a horse.
"We're working on a surprise for
the next match," Shirley said.
" 'Hooker's' perfecting a new version 
of the old one-two."
Wexton was unimpressed. "The
bum can't count that high," he
whispered to McGann.
"Pipe down," McGann pleaded.
"I've got to make friends here;" He
moved up with the blonde, said,
"May I?" and felt the Hooker's
ther bleep. His expression was
awed, "Sometimes Nature just
shows off." He held out his hand
and was careful to grasp Hunyak's
steely fingers to forestall a nutcracker 
grip.
Shirley Stanton flung her flaming 
hair back from her shoulders
and appraised him coolly. He
wondered if her eyes were really
that green or whether it was the
dress. Her stare was so calm that
it was almost disconcerting, the
pupils small, black and searching.
"You're the detective Ronnie
called?"
Irma Nelson adjusted McGann's
bow with a proprietary air.
"Mickey is a wonderful detective."
she &aid. "He can just look at your
shoelace and tell right away if you
forgot to tie it. He's elementary."
"It's elementary," McGann said.
"Named after my old school." He
wished Shirley Stanton would stop
staring like that.
She turned so that the others
could not see her, half closed one
eye and began to move slowly
away.
McGann loosed Irma's arm and
pushed her toward Hooker. "You
two spar for a while," he said.
"No biting."
The green dress was undulating
ahead of him, halfway across the
room. He started to walk faster,
stopped short as a couple danced
dreamily into his path. "My fault,"
McGann said. They ignored him.
When he got around them, he saw
that Shirley Stanton was no longer
alone. A woman who touched a
hand nervously to blue ringlets had
stopped her.
From a dozen paces, McGana
could see the sparks fly as Shirley
Stanton and Kathleen Rogers faced
each other. When he drew closer,
it was the latter's voice that he
heard first.
"... as I'm standing here, Kathleen 
Rogers said. "But for you,
he'd be alive today."
Shirley Stanton's spectacular
bosom swelled dangerously but she
gave no other indication of resentment 
She said, "He never told me
your company prolonged his life."
"I might have expected some
such answer." The harlequin
g l a s s e s flashed contemptuously.
"Your nightclub Billingsgate does
not intimidate me. I want you to
know that I am aware ot the
methods you used to ensnare Ronnie 
— you . . . you cheap, designing 
—"
McGann expected the air momentarily 
to fill with red and blue
hair but Kathleen Rogers, with
what seemed a supreme effort, got
hold of herself. She turned and
flung past with an audible hiss,
and he looked at Shirley Stanton.
'You deflated her," he said. "I
could hear it."
"I'll snatch her bald," the redhead 
said, but her expression was
puzzled. "What was that she said
about Billingsley? Why drag
Sherman into this?"
"They try to blame everything
on cafe society," McGann said.
They had moved on toward the
Seyffert portrait when she suddenly 
touched his arm. The green
eyes were fixed boring into his.
"There's something I want to tell
you," she said. "I would never go
to the police but I —"
"Wait a minute." McGann said,
on a sudden hunch. He had been
skeptical about the exceptional cooperation 
of the homicide bureau
in allowing the murder mansion to
be used so soon for such a gathering. 

Now mention of the word "police" 
and the apparent proximity
of some revelation, prompted a
definite check. He moved to theside 
of the lighted portrait, which
tras hanging at a slight angle, and
peered behind it.
As he expected, directly in the
center he could make out a small
black box — a "tin ear" in police
variance. He knew now that there
must be one behind every other
parlance in all strategic parts of
the room. Somewhere O'Callahan's
men were getting a large earful,
sifting the conversational wheat
from the chaff for leads.
He shook his head warningly at
Shirley Stanton. In front of the
portrait he spoke directly to the
concealed listening post "Like I
say, chum, O'Callahan is a big pig
or my name ain't Solly Spanish,
right?" He steered the redhead
toward the center of the room.
"Let's get away from here. They'll
be peeking out through the eyes
next like Bela Lugosi."
In the center of the room, comparatively 
safe from the delicate
pickup microphones, she again
faced him. McGann was struck by
her marvelous calm in the den of
mourners, who ran from jittery to
hilarios. "It's only this —" she
said.

Copyright, 1950, by Ball publishing Co.
Distributed by King Features Syndicate.

GOP Dems.

ry as that of the Republican party,'
he declared.
Events which have taken place
since adoption of the present rule;
Morse asserted, have proved that
he was right in charging that it
was the result of "understandings
which were entered into the cloakroom 
at the Senate" by both Demo
crats 
and Republicans.
Declaring that it is impossible to
get sixty-four votes to stop a filibuster, 
except in accordance with
the discretion of a minority. Morse
said the Elks and the colored people 
of America generally know it.
Senator Morse obtained unanimous 
consent to insert in the body
of the Record a number of newspaper 
articles dealing with the Elks'
convention and a speech made there
by Dr. Ralph J. Bunche, director of
the United Nations Trusteeship Division. 

Senator Lehman ruled that the
articles which Morse inserted — not
being a petition but merely a part
of his remarks, and being germane
to the matter the Oregonian had
discussed — could be inserted in
the Record as part of Morse's re
marks 
if there were no objections.
After Morse concluded his speech
Senator Lehman congratulated him
arid said he was glad to associate
himself with the remarks Morse
had made relative to the Elks.
The resolutions called for use of
"all Americans" in the diplomatic
service. They urged the Justice Department 
to make "greater and
more direct use" of its law enforment 
and investigate powens' in
civil rights cases in sections of the
country where colored people "do
not receive fair treatment at the
hands of local and state law-en
forcement officers and courts."
The resolutions also called for
enactment of a Federal fair employment 
practice law, the end of segregation 
and discrimination in
Washington, the abolition at segregated 
public and tax-supported
schools, and decent and adequate
housing for all Americans regardless 
of race, religion, or color.
They urged a change in the existing 
Senate cloture rule a n d
"viewed with alarm" the proposal of
Senator Karl Mundt, Republican, of
South Dakota, for an alliance between 
dissident Republicans and
Dixiecrats in the next Presidential
election.
The Senate Rules and Administration 
Committee begins hearings
October 2 on several resolution
proposing change in the existing
cloture rule.

Methodists Ask

ley.
A committee of leaders from each
of the four conferences in the are
presented the resolution to the con
ference. The committee, headed by
the Rev. Daniel L. Ridout, included: 

Miller W. Boyd, president of Morristown 
(Tennessee) college; C. A.
Varrett, president of Carver college,
Ashboro, N. C, and the Rev.. Joshua 
O. Williams, minister of the
Sharp Street Methodist church,
Baltimore.
Many church groups have called
for the elimination of the Central
(all colored jurisdiction. Few, however, 
have called for discontinuance
of all six jurisdictions. The Central 
is the only racial jurisdiction;
the other five are geographical.

Discrimination

citizens to ask L. M. Cox, the
county registrar, to register them.
The controversy arose out of an
order of the Forrest County Board
of Supervisors requiring the regisstrar, 
to register them.
The controversy arose out of an
order of the Forrest County Board
of Supervisors requiring the registrar 
to make a new registration of
voters for elections to be held in
the county after June 1, 1950.
The petitioners and a large group
of other colored persons applied to
the registrar for registration along
with white citizens. The petition
states that all of the petitioners
are able to read any section of th
Constitution of Mississippi, several
of them being college-trained and
professional men.
Mississippi law requires that, to
be eligible to register and vote, a
person must be "able to read any
section of the Constitution of this
state," or be "able to understand
the same when read to him or give
a reasonable interpretation thereof.") 

The registrar examined the petitioners 
and the other colored applicants 
on the Mississippi Constitution. 
He decided that that the
answers were unsatisfactory and
fused to register them.
The petition asserts that on
colored citizens are examined
their ability to read or understand
the Mississippi Constitution, and
that this practice is designed solely
to prevent colored citizens from
registering and voting, regardless of
their qualifications.
While there are almost as many
colored citizens as whites in Forrest 
County, the petition states,
several thousand white citizens
have been registered under the new
registration and only about fifty
colored citizens.
Mississippi statutes provide that
a person denied the right to, register 
may appeal to the county election 
commissioners, and, if there
denied the right to register, may
appeal to the county circuit court
upon posting a $100 bond to guarantee 
payment of costs, and then to
the Mississippi Supreme Court upon 
posting a $500 cost bond.
The petitioners did not follow this
procedure. Instead, they filed 
in the Federal District Court, for is
junctive relief on the ground that
the registrar had flagrantly discriminated 
against them because of
color, and that they and other
colored citizens ought not be put
to the enormous expense in the aggregate 
which the prescribed proceed
ure would place upon them.
The petition points out that
colored people in the south, as a
whole, are "wretchedly poor," and
to have a crushing burden" cast
upon them of having to post two
cost bonds-one for $100 and the
other for $500-and pay attorneys'
fees and court costs, is enough to
"shock the conscience of a court of
equity and to galvanize it into activity." 


Attorneys Plan

white, in the South or other parts
of the country, when they appeal
to, the courts for redress of racial
injustices. The action of the Cook
County grand jury is intimidation
of the most vicious sort."
Indicted with Leighton
charge of "conspiracy to injure property. 
. .by causing a depreciation
in the real estate market price by
renting to Negroes," were Mrs.
Camille DeRose, former owner of
the property into which the Clarks
sought to move on June 8 and again
on July 10; George C. Adams, former 
attorney for Mrs. DeRose;
Charles Edwards, rental agent for
the property; and Norman Silverman 
who allegedly distributed Communist 
literature in Cicero, a month
after the trial Cicero Police Chief
Edwin Konovsky was indicted on a
separate charge of misconduct in
public office.
Only once did the Hawks' battleaxe 
attack chop down the Tigers'
defense. That was in the second
period and it might well have never
happened. The 75-yard pay-off
punch came like this Tigers Herman 
Coleman punted to the Hawks
25. Boston bludgeoned his way to
the 45 and then Grambling's 47.
Donald Burns then scampered to
the 35. John Emerson collaborated

with Still to carry the oval to the
19, Interference was ruled on a
Hawk pass to the 4, but a 15-yard
penalty carded back to the 19. An
offside on Grambling move the ball,
back to the 15. Burns gained to the
12. Then Emerson hit the middle
and targeted through to socer, Gordon 
Harris split the uprights and
Maryland State led 7-0.
Oddly enough Burns figured in
Grambling's third period score,
when he failed to get the ball away
on the Hawk 18. Sophomore quarterback 
Henry Crosby then jumped
into driver's seat laced a perfect
strike to Halfback John O'Neal,
who speared the oval with a diving
catch mid Skipped 11-yards to
score. Sophomore Larry Lemme
never got his kick away and that
was the ball game.
Officials walked off 34 penalties
as 13 were assessed against the Tigers 
for a 105 yards, The stripedjersied 
men togged Maryland State
with 21 for 205 yards.
Grambling tried 20 passes, and
completed 6 for 81 yards. Maryland 
attempted 9, completed 3 for
25 yards. Both teams had two interceptions. 

Maryland gained 240 yards from
scrimmage to 82 for Grambling. A
Kicking duel between Grambling
Herman Coleman, who booted 13
time for 548 yards and Maryland's
Donald Burns kicked 9 times for 371
yards.

Extra Point Decides
Intersectional Tilt
Maryland State preserved its 25-game
winning streak that stretches over three full seasons by withstanding 
a furious second-half onslaught by Grambling College to eke
out a narrow 7-6 victory Saturday night.
A magnificent and savage-charging 
Grambling line completely
throttled the all-winning Hawk's
running attack in the final two periods, 
but the Tigers' offensive backfield 
blew three golden scoring
chances in the shadows of the visitors' 
goal line.

The game was played to the hilt all
the way. It had to be for the
Grumbling line to hold in check
Maryland State's massive Ken Still
and George Boston, who repeatedly
surged like Gen. Sherman tanks
through the untiring Tiger line only 
to be checkmated by the Tigers
when the chips were down.
Only once did the Hawks' battleaxe 
attack chop down the Tigers'
defense. That was in the second
period and it might well have never
happened. The 75-yard pay-off
punch came like this Tigers Herman 
Coleman punted to the Hawks
25. Boston bludgeoned his way to
the 45 and then Grambling's 47.
Donald Burns then scampered to
the 35. John Emerson collaborated

with Still to carry the oval to the
19, Interference was ruled on a
Hawk pass to the 4, but a 15-yard
penalty carded back to the 19. An
offside on Grambling move the ball,
back to the 15. Burns gained to the
12. Then Emerson hit the middle
and targeted through to socer, Gordon 
Harris split the uprights and
Maryland State led 7-0.
Oddly enough Burns figured in
Grambling's third period score,
when he failed to get the ball away
on the Hawk 18. Sophomore quarterback 
Henry Crosby then jumped
into driver's seat laced a perfect
strike to Halfback John O'Neal,
who speared the oval with a diving
catch mid Skipped 11-yards to
score. Sophomore Larry Lemme
never got his kick away and that
was the ball game.
Officials walked off 34 penalties
as 13 were assessed against the Tigers 
for a 105 yards, The stripedjersied 
men togged Maryland State
with 21 for 205 yards.
Grambling tried 20 passes, and
completed 6 for 81 yards. Maryland 
attempted 9, completed 3 for
25 yards. Both teams had two interceptions. 

Maryland gained 240 yards from
scrimmage to 82 for Grambling. A
Kicking duel between Grambling
Herman Coleman, who booted 13
time for 548 yards and Maryland's
Donald Burns kicked 9 times for 371
yards.

Football Scores