Memphis World
Memphis World Publishing Co.
1957-07-20
Thaddeus T. Stokes

MEMPHIS WORLD
AMERICA'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL
The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper
Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO.
Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE—Ph. JA. 6-4030
Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE
W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager
Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn. as second-class mail
under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870
THADDEUS T. STOKES ............ Managing Editor
SMITH FLEMING .............. Circulation Manager
SUBSCRIPTION RATES:
Year $5.00—6 Months $3.00—3 Months $1.50 (In Advance)
The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian
and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things
it believes to be of interest of its readers and opposing those things
against the interest of its readers.

Sometimes Ideas Are Born
Some weeks ago a dark picture came out of Tuskegee, that
Alabama black belt that Booker Washington put on the map in
another era. Anyway, the seed sown in that prolific soil of struggling 
black people was bound to come forth in its rich fruitage
in many ways.
Those who frown on the boycott and feel that it is often a
two-edged sword that cuts both ways, in taking a second look
at the picture of progressive people, hurling the challenge, "we
won't trade where we can't vote," will find that a few cooperative
business organizations are swiftly taking shape in Tuskegee. Tuskegee 
Institute, the college center and the life of Tuskegee proper
has a hospital suburb. Here are hundreds of workers, whose
governmental payrolls let loose thousands daily for the commercial 
channels of Tuskegee and Macon County.
It has been seen all along that there was a thriving possibility 
of Negro cooperative stores and department clothing stores
manned by Negroes. Still, all was well, and there was no immediate 
urge for a line-drawing and the call "trade with your own
people."
Over at Montgomery, Alabama, the bus passive crisis resistance 
method bore fruit. The contagion occasioned by a certain
representative in the Alabama General Assembly, who devised a
strategy to cut Macon County into five parts, change the city limits
of the town so as to put most of the Negroes outside, is causing
those who effected a boycott on the neighboring town by trading
in Opelika, Montgomery and other points, to look around and see
why Negro establishments cannot be operated in Tuskegee. It is
our understanding that cooperative stock is being figured out;
plans for the setting up of long post due Negro establishments for
the comfort and employment of those people who need and appreciate 
trade.
So out of stormy skies bright ideas are born.
There is a bountiful possibility around Tuskegee and Macon
county, and there are no reasons why the Negroes should not hear
that ringing cry that once made Atlanta famous, when Booker T.
Washington shouted — "LET YOUR BUCKETS DOWN WHERE YOU
ARE."

A Perspective On The NAACP
(From The Christian Science Monitor)
The basic legal groundwork for ending racial inequality in
the United States has now been laid, says Dr. Channing H. Tobias.
It how behooves the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People to stress a program of action aimed at winning
friends to the Negro's cause.
Dr. Tobias is a Methodist minister who for many years has
been head of the Colored Men's Section of the Young Men's Christian 
Association and has served also as an American delegate to
the United Nations General Assembly. He is currently chairman
of the NAACP board of directors. And it was this organization's
48th annual convention which offered him the occasion to express
these policy views a few days ago.
The convention also offered Americans an occasion to get a
perspective on the NAACP. There were speeches on either side
of Dr. Tobias'. There were rebukes to both major parties and to
several congressmen for more words than action. There was the
call to persist in the struggle for Negro rights by the use of nonviolence 
and "with love in our hearts" from Montgomery's Rev.
Martin Luther King, Jr.
Laying the groundwork for the Negro's legal rights is the
task that long ago devolved upon the NAACP. Such a task frequently 
calls for initiating litigation which has earned much hostility 
in the Deep South and the epithet of "outside agitator." It is
doubtful, however, in many localities whether infringement of
Negro voting and other rights could be seriously challenged except 
by an organization with a nationwide base for its support.
As to filling the chasm between the races with a sense of
brotherhood and mutual respect — such organizations as the
Southern Regional Council, the Urban League, the YMCA, and the
churches in the South are by function better fitted for this part
of the task.


In near by Alexandra African
business men are winning their
war against East Indian and Chinese 
traders. The latter are closing 
their stores, packing up their
belongings and leaving town.
The moving of the Indians and
Chinese is the result of a long war
which has been waged by the Alexandra, 
Trader's Association, a body
of African business men. The stores
formerly occupied by the Oriental
businessmen are now available for
Africans.
There are some disturbing interracial 
aspects to the happenings
in Alexandra. All over South Africa, 
sharp Indian and Chinese merchants 
are the principal merchants
in African areas. Frequently the
charge is made that the orientals

are sharp if not unscrupulous in
their trading methods. They get rich
quickly and Africans charge they
then become arrogant and haughty.
Because the South African whites
oppress all three of the colored
minorities they are said to secretly
encourage bad feeling among them
When what amounted to a massacre
of East Indian merchants by Africans 
broke out in Durban some two
years ago, it was said that whites
encouraged it because of their
jealousy of the thriving orientals
White police stood by with little
effort to halt the carnage.
In Alexandra, however the African 
businessmen had encouraged
a boycott which proved effective.
The small African stores will now
seek to serve the immediate needs
of the people there.

Senate Debates

debate.
Only four times since the stormy
reconstruction days following the
Civil War has a major bill to protect 
the rights of Negroes being
called up in the Senate for direct
debate.
Filibusters killed the other three
bills, one in 1938 and two in 1946.
A talkathon could still block the
current bill but negotiations for a
compromise are gathering momentum 
and are expected to succeed
this session.
The vote to call up the legislation
came after a bitter attack on the
Supreme Court's school integration
decision and on Chief Justice Earl
Warren, Sen. Horry F. Byrd (D)
Va., accused Warren at engineering 
decisions which could destroy

the American system of government. 

Senate Democratic leader Lyndon
B. Johnson joined civil rights supporters 
in voting to take up the
bill. But the Texan said part three
of the legislation is "intolerable"
and he will vote for an amendment
to eliminate it entirely.
Section three is in hot dispute
with Southerners contending it
would permit the use of federal
troops to impose school integration 
on their states.
Johnson said he also will vote for
an amendment to provide for jury
trials in civil rights cases where
questions of fact are in dispute.
The legislation would permit the
Attorney General to obtain injunctions 
to prevent or halt violation
of right of minorities. As the bill

stands, those accuses of ignoring
the injunction could be fined or
jailed by a Federal Judge without
a jury trial.
Byrd's attack on Warren was the
severest speech sounded thus far
in the civil right debate.
Senate GOP leader William F.
Knowland defended Warren. Knowland 
said the clear implication
of Byrd's charges is that "the Chief
Justice had in effect entered into
a conspiracy" with liberal organizations. 

Knowland said he had hoped that
the two opposing sides in the civil
rights fight might find an "area
of agreement." He declared, that
Byrd's speech "almost forecloses"
such hope.
Sen. Jacob Javits (R) N. Y. also
took sharp exception to a statement
by Byrd that Warren induced
unanimous decisions in the school
integration case.
Javits told Byrd that it was the
Supreme Court that "saved the
South after the Civil war by its
decisions.
Sen. Strom Thurmond (D) S. C.,
joined Byrd in the attack, declaring
that the court "has handed down
decisions that are calculated to
undermine the confidence of the
citizen of the country in government 
in general.

OTHER BILLS KILLED

debate.
Only four times since the stormy
reconstruction days following the
Civil War has a major bill to protect 
the rights of Negroes being
called up in the Senate for direct
debate.
Filibusters killed the other three
bills, one in 1938 and two in 1946.
A talkathon could still block the
current bill but negotiations for a
compromise are gathering momentum 
and are expected to succeed
this session.
The vote to call up the legislation
came after a bitter attack on the
Supreme Court's school integration
decision and on Chief Justice Earl
Warren, Sen. Horry F. Byrd (D)
Va., accused Warren at engineering 
decisions which could destroy

the American system of government. 

Senate Democratic leader Lyndon
B. Johnson joined civil rights supporters 
in voting to take up the
bill. But the Texan said part three
of the legislation is "intolerable"
and he will vote for an amendment
to eliminate it entirely.
Section three is in hot dispute
with Southerners contending it
would permit the use of federal
troops to impose school integration 
on their states.
Johnson said he also will vote for
an amendment to provide for jury
trials in civil rights cases where
questions of fact are in dispute.
The legislation would permit the
Attorney General to obtain injunctions 
to prevent or halt violation
of right of minorities. As the bill

stands, those accuses of ignoring
the injunction could be fined or
jailed by a Federal Judge without
a jury trial.
Byrd's attack on Warren was the
severest speech sounded thus far
in the civil right debate.
Senate GOP leader William F.
Knowland defended Warren. Knowland 
said the clear implication
of Byrd's charges is that "the Chief
Justice had in effect entered into
a conspiracy" with liberal organizations. 

Knowland said he had hoped that
the two opposing sides in the civil
rights fight might find an "area
of agreement." He declared, that
Byrd's speech "almost forecloses"
such hope.
Sen. Jacob Javits (R) N. Y. also
took sharp exception to a statement
by Byrd that Warren induced
unanimous decisions in the school
integration case.
Javits told Byrd that it was the
Supreme Court that "saved the
South after the Civil war by its
decisions.
Sen. Strom Thurmond (D) S. C.,
joined Byrd in the attack, declaring
that the court "has handed down
decisions that are calculated to
undermine the confidence of the
citizen of the country in government 
in general.

FEDERAL TROOPS

debate.
Only four times since the stormy
reconstruction days following the
Civil War has a major bill to protect 
the rights of Negroes being
called up in the Senate for direct
debate.
Filibusters killed the other three
bills, one in 1938 and two in 1946.
A talkathon could still block the
current bill but negotiations for a
compromise are gathering momentum 
and are expected to succeed
this session.
The vote to call up the legislation
came after a bitter attack on the
Supreme Court's school integration
decision and on Chief Justice Earl
Warren, Sen. Horry F. Byrd (D)
Va., accused Warren at engineering 
decisions which could destroy

the American system of government. 

Senate Democratic leader Lyndon
B. Johnson joined civil rights supporters 
in voting to take up the
bill. But the Texan said part three
of the legislation is "intolerable"
and he will vote for an amendment
to eliminate it entirely.
Section three is in hot dispute
with Southerners contending it
would permit the use of federal
troops to impose school integration 
on their states.
Johnson said he also will vote for
an amendment to provide for jury
trials in civil rights cases where
questions of fact are in dispute.
The legislation would permit the
Attorney General to obtain injunctions 
to prevent or halt violation
of right of minorities. As the bill

stands, those accuses of ignoring
the injunction could be fined or
jailed by a Federal Judge without
a jury trial.
Byrd's attack on Warren was the
severest speech sounded thus far
in the civil right debate.
Senate GOP leader William F.
Knowland defended Warren. Knowland 
said the clear implication
of Byrd's charges is that "the Chief
Justice had in effect entered into
a conspiracy" with liberal organizations. 

Knowland said he had hoped that
the two opposing sides in the civil
rights fight might find an "area
of agreement." He declared, that
Byrd's speech "almost forecloses"
such hope.
Sen. Jacob Javits (R) N. Y. also
took sharp exception to a statement
by Byrd that Warren induced
unanimous decisions in the school
integration case.
Javits told Byrd that it was the
Supreme Court that "saved the
South after the Civil war by its
decisions.
Sen. Strom Thurmond (D) S. C.,
joined Byrd in the attack, declaring
that the court "has handed down
decisions that are calculated to
undermine the confidence of the
citizen of the country in government 
in general.

TO HALT VIOLATIONS

debate.
Only four times since the stormy
reconstruction days following the
Civil War has a major bill to protect 
the rights of Negroes being
called up in the Senate for direct
debate.
Filibusters killed the other three
bills, one in 1938 and two in 1946.
A talkathon could still block the
current bill but negotiations for a
compromise are gathering momentum 
and are expected to succeed
this session.
The vote to call up the legislation
came after a bitter attack on the
Supreme Court's school integration
decision and on Chief Justice Earl
Warren, Sen. Horry F. Byrd (D)
Va., accused Warren at engineering 
decisions which could destroy

the American system of government. 

Senate Democratic leader Lyndon
B. Johnson joined civil rights supporters 
in voting to take up the
bill. But the Texan said part three
of the legislation is "intolerable"
and he will vote for an amendment
to eliminate it entirely.
Section three is in hot dispute
with Southerners contending it
would permit the use of federal
troops to impose school integration 
on their states.
Johnson said he also will vote for
an amendment to provide for jury
trials in civil rights cases where
questions of fact are in dispute.
The legislation would permit the
Attorney General to obtain injunctions 
to prevent or halt violation
of right of minorities. As the bill

stands, those accuses of ignoring
the injunction could be fined or
jailed by a Federal Judge without
a jury trial.
Byrd's attack on Warren was the
severest speech sounded thus far
in the civil right debate.
Senate GOP leader William F.
Knowland defended Warren. Knowland 
said the clear implication
of Byrd's charges is that "the Chief
Justice had in effect entered into
a conspiracy" with liberal organizations. 

Knowland said he had hoped that
the two opposing sides in the civil
rights fight might find an "area
of agreement." He declared, that
Byrd's speech "almost forecloses"
such hope.
Sen. Jacob Javits (R) N. Y. also
took sharp exception to a statement
by Byrd that Warren induced
unanimous decisions in the school
integration case.
Javits told Byrd that it was the
Supreme Court that "saved the
South after the Civil war by its
decisions.
Sen. Strom Thurmond (D) S. C.,
joined Byrd in the attack, declaring
that the court "has handed down
decisions that are calculated to
undermine the confidence of the
citizen of the country in government 
in general.

AREA OF AGREEMENT

debate.
Only four times since the stormy
reconstruction days following the
Civil War has a major bill to protect 
the rights of Negroes being
called up in the Senate for direct
debate.
Filibusters killed the other three
bills, one in 1938 and two in 1946.
A talkathon could still block the
current bill but negotiations for a
compromise are gathering momentum 
and are expected to succeed
this session.
The vote to call up the legislation
came after a bitter attack on the
Supreme Court's school integration
decision and on Chief Justice Earl
Warren, Sen. Horry F. Byrd (D)
Va., accused Warren at engineering 
decisions which could destroy

the American system of government. 

Senate Democratic leader Lyndon
B. Johnson joined civil rights supporters 
in voting to take up the
bill. But the Texan said part three
of the legislation is "intolerable"
and he will vote for an amendment
to eliminate it entirely.
Section three is in hot dispute
with Southerners contending it
would permit the use of federal
troops to impose school integration 
on their states.
Johnson said he also will vote for
an amendment to provide for jury
trials in civil rights cases where
questions of fact are in dispute.
The legislation would permit the
Attorney General to obtain injunctions 
to prevent or halt violation
of right of minorities. As the bill

stands, those accuses of ignoring
the injunction could be fined or
jailed by a Federal Judge without
a jury trial.
Byrd's attack on Warren was the
severest speech sounded thus far
in the civil right debate.
Senate GOP leader William F.
Knowland defended Warren. Knowland 
said the clear implication
of Byrd's charges is that "the Chief
Justice had in effect entered into
a conspiracy" with liberal organizations. 

Knowland said he had hoped that
the two opposing sides in the civil
rights fight might find an "area
of agreement." He declared, that
Byrd's speech "almost forecloses"
such hope.
Sen. Jacob Javits (R) N. Y. also
took sharp exception to a statement
by Byrd that Warren induced
unanimous decisions in the school
integration case.
Javits told Byrd that it was the
Supreme Court that "saved the
South after the Civil war by its
decisions.
Sen. Strom Thurmond (D) S. C.,
joined Byrd in the attack, declaring
that the court "has handed down
decisions that are calculated to
undermine the confidence of the
citizen of the country in government 
in general.

IN THE NATION'S CAPITAL
COLORED PEOPLE are always
the pawns and victims in compromises 
involving fundamental rights.
The Missouri Compromise of 1820
admitted Missouri into the Union
as a slave state.
The Compromise of 1850 tightened
the Law for the return of fugitive
slaves to their masters.
Now there is talk of compromise
on the Eisenhower Administration's
civil rights bill.
In the first place, a compromise
involves mutual concessions. Spokesmen 
for the South have repeatedly
said it makes no difference what
changes are made in the bill, it will
remain unacceptable to them.
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat 
of Mississippi, chairman of the
Senate. Judiciary Committee, said
that after his committee adopted
the Ervin amendment to the Senate
version of the House-approved bill.
The Ervin amendment, offered by
Senator Sam Ervin, Democrat, of
North Carolina, provided for trial by
jury in contempt of court cases arising 
out of injunctions the Attorney
General may obtain under the provisions 
of the civil rights bill.
At the White House, after his
conference with President Eisenhower, 
Senator Richard B. Russell,
of Georgia, the undisputed leader of
the southern bloc, was asked whether 
the bill would be more acceptable
to him if it were restricted to the
right to vote.
Senator Russell avoided a direct
answer to this question, but said
colored people in Georgia enjoy the

right to vote and pointed out that
Dr. Rufus E. Clement, president of
Atlanta University had been elected
and reelected to the Atlanta Board
of Education, although the colored
population of Atlanta is only 30 or
35 per cent of the total population.
Complete emasculation is the only
thing that would make the bill palatable 
to the Southerners — and
even they would conduct a token
filibuster and vote against the measure 
in its emasculated form.
There is not a single provision in
the bill to which they do not object.
They object to the provision which
would establish a six-member civil
rights commission in the executive
branch of the Government to investigate 
charges that citizens are being 
deprived of their right to vote,
to study and collect information
concerning legal developments constituting 
a denial of equal protection
of the laws under the Constitution
and to appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government with
respect to equal protection.
This provision is objectionable
because the commission would be
clothed with subpoena powers.
Senator Allen J. Ellender, Democrat, 
of Louisiana, contends that the
proposed commission would be a
roving grand jury" and gather evidence 
to be used in the prosecutions
authorised by the bill — "prosecutions 
criminal in nature but masquerading 
in the robes of equity."
Senator Ellender knows that the
main purpose of the bill is to avoid
criminal prosecutions by the use of
injunctive proceedings to stop
threatened deprivations of the right
to vote or threatened violations of
other civil rights before they occur.
The main objection to the bill,
however, is to Part III, which Senator 
Russell contends would permit
the Federal Government to thrust
racial integration down the throats
of southern whites at the point of a
bayonet.
Part III of the bill would amend
the old Ku Klux Klan Act which
provides a civil remedy in damages
to a person damaged as a result of
conspiracies to deprive one of certain 
civil rights.
The effect of the provisions of
the proposed bill on existing law as
contained in title 42, United States
Code section 1985, is not to expand
civil rights presently protected but
merely to give the Attorney General
the right to bring a civil suit to enjoin 
acts or practices which would
be a violation of the Ku Klux Klan
Act.
Section 1993 of the same title
provides:
"It shall be lawful for the President 
of the United States, or such
person as he may empower for that
purpose, to employ such part of the
land or naval forces of the United.
States or of the militia as may be
necessary to aid in the execution
of judicial process issued under sec
tions 
1981-1983 and 1985-1994 of this
title."
Senator Everett M. Dirksen, Republican, 
of Illinois, who, with Senator 
Thomas C. Hennings, Democrat, 
of Missouri, is co-sponsor of
the Senate version of the Houseapproved 
civil rights bill, told the
Senate Wednesday that the contention 
that Part III of the bill is intended 
to authorize use of the armed 
forces to enforce civil rights "is
completely without foundation."
Senator Dirksen argued that there
would be no need for doing that because 
other provisions of the United
States Code "gives the President
ultimate authority to employ the
land and naval forces to aid in the
enforcement of desegregation decrees 
issued by Federal courts in
any private suits which might be instituted 
under authority of that title
of the code, and for the further purpose 
of desegregating the public
school.
"But entirely apart from the sections 
being dealt with in the bill,
the President may under laws
which were enacted by Congress as
late as last year, and which have
been enacted and codified and recodified, 
going back to 1795 exercise 
that sort of power."
The fundamental issue in the debate 
over civil rights is the question
of obedience to Federal law. On that
issue there can be no compromise.
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Georgia, Florida, Alabama,
Louisiana, Tennessee, Arkansas and
Texas, as well as every other state
in the Union, must abide by what
the Supreme Court says is the law
of the land until that law is changed 
by an Act of Congress or a constitutional 
amendment.
If Federal troops are necessary to
enforce the law in certain states,
they should be employed, or else
there will be anarchy.

THE VICTIMS
COLORED PEOPLE are always
the pawns and victims in compromises 
involving fundamental rights.
The Missouri Compromise of 1820
admitted Missouri into the Union
as a slave state.
The Compromise of 1850 tightened
the Law for the return of fugitive
slaves to their masters.
Now there is talk of compromise
on the Eisenhower Administration's
civil rights bill.
In the first place, a compromise
involves mutual concessions. Spokesmen 
for the South have repeatedly
said it makes no difference what
changes are made in the bill, it will
remain unacceptable to them.
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat 
of Mississippi, chairman of the
Senate. Judiciary Committee, said
that after his committee adopted
the Ervin amendment to the Senate
version of the House-approved bill.
The Ervin amendment, offered by
Senator Sam Ervin, Democrat, of
North Carolina, provided for trial by
jury in contempt of court cases arising 
out of injunctions the Attorney
General may obtain under the provisions 
of the civil rights bill.
At the White House, after his
conference with President Eisenhower, 
Senator Richard B. Russell,
of Georgia, the undisputed leader of
the southern bloc, was asked whether 
the bill would be more acceptable
to him if it were restricted to the
right to vote.
Senator Russell avoided a direct
answer to this question, but said
colored people in Georgia enjoy the

right to vote and pointed out that
Dr. Rufus E. Clement, president of
Atlanta University had been elected
and reelected to the Atlanta Board
of Education, although the colored
population of Atlanta is only 30 or
35 per cent of the total population.
Complete emasculation is the only
thing that would make the bill palatable 
to the Southerners — and
even they would conduct a token
filibuster and vote against the measure 
in its emasculated form.
There is not a single provision in
the bill to which they do not object.
They object to the provision which
would establish a six-member civil
rights commission in the executive
branch of the Government to investigate 
charges that citizens are being 
deprived of their right to vote,
to study and collect information
concerning legal developments constituting 
a denial of equal protection
of the laws under the Constitution
and to appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government with
respect to equal protection.
This provision is objectionable
because the commission would be
clothed with subpoena powers.
Senator Allen J. Ellender, Democrat, 
of Louisiana, contends that the
proposed commission would be a
roving grand jury" and gather evidence 
to be used in the prosecutions
authorised by the bill — "prosecutions 
criminal in nature but masquerading 
in the robes of equity."
Senator Ellender knows that the
main purpose of the bill is to avoid
criminal prosecutions by the use of
injunctive proceedings to stop
threatened deprivations of the right
to vote or threatened violations of
other civil rights before they occur.
The main objection to the bill,
however, is to Part III, which Senator 
Russell contends would permit
the Federal Government to thrust
racial integration down the throats
of southern whites at the point of a
bayonet.
Part III of the bill would amend
the old Ku Klux Klan Act which
provides a civil remedy in damages
to a person damaged as a result of
conspiracies to deprive one of certain 
civil rights.
The effect of the provisions of
the proposed bill on existing law as
contained in title 42, United States
Code section 1985, is not to expand
civil rights presently protected but
merely to give the Attorney General
the right to bring a civil suit to enjoin 
acts or practices which would
be a violation of the Ku Klux Klan
Act.
Section 1993 of the same title
provides:
"It shall be lawful for the President 
of the United States, or such
person as he may empower for that
purpose, to employ such part of the
land or naval forces of the United.
States or of the militia as may be
necessary to aid in the execution
of judicial process issued under sec
tions 
1981-1983 and 1985-1994 of this
title."
Senator Everett M. Dirksen, Republican, 
of Illinois, who, with Senator 
Thomas C. Hennings, Democrat, 
of Missouri, is co-sponsor of
the Senate version of the Houseapproved 
civil rights bill, told the
Senate Wednesday that the contention 
that Part III of the bill is intended 
to authorize use of the armed 
forces to enforce civil rights "is
completely without foundation."
Senator Dirksen argued that there
would be no need for doing that because 
other provisions of the United
States Code "gives the President
ultimate authority to employ the
land and naval forces to aid in the
enforcement of desegregation decrees 
issued by Federal courts in
any private suits which might be instituted 
under authority of that title
of the code, and for the further purpose 
of desegregating the public
school.
"But entirely apart from the sections 
being dealt with in the bill,
the President may under laws
which were enacted by Congress as
late as last year, and which have
been enacted and codified and recodified, 
going back to 1795 exercise 
that sort of power."
The fundamental issue in the debate 
over civil rights is the question
of obedience to Federal law. On that
issue there can be no compromise.
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Georgia, Florida, Alabama,
Louisiana, Tennessee, Arkansas and
Texas, as well as every other state
in the Union, must abide by what
the Supreme Court says is the law
of the land until that law is changed 
by an Act of Congress or a constitutional 
amendment.
If Federal troops are necessary to
enforce the law in certain states,
they should be employed, or else
there will be anarchy.

NO DIRECT ANSWER
COLORED PEOPLE are always
the pawns and victims in compromises 
involving fundamental rights.
The Missouri Compromise of 1820
admitted Missouri into the Union
as a slave state.
The Compromise of 1850 tightened
the Law for the return of fugitive
slaves to their masters.
Now there is talk of compromise
on the Eisenhower Administration's
civil rights bill.
In the first place, a compromise
involves mutual concessions. Spokesmen 
for the South have repeatedly
said it makes no difference what
changes are made in the bill, it will
remain unacceptable to them.
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat 
of Mississippi, chairman of the
Senate. Judiciary Committee, said
that after his committee adopted
the Ervin amendment to the Senate
version of the House-approved bill.
The Ervin amendment, offered by
Senator Sam Ervin, Democrat, of
North Carolina, provided for trial by
jury in contempt of court cases arising 
out of injunctions the Attorney
General may obtain under the provisions 
of the civil rights bill.
At the White House, after his
conference with President Eisenhower, 
Senator Richard B. Russell,
of Georgia, the undisputed leader of
the southern bloc, was asked whether 
the bill would be more acceptable
to him if it were restricted to the
right to vote.
Senator Russell avoided a direct
answer to this question, but said
colored people in Georgia enjoy the

right to vote and pointed out that
Dr. Rufus E. Clement, president of
Atlanta University had been elected
and reelected to the Atlanta Board
of Education, although the colored
population of Atlanta is only 30 or
35 per cent of the total population.
Complete emasculation is the only
thing that would make the bill palatable 
to the Southerners — and
even they would conduct a token
filibuster and vote against the measure 
in its emasculated form.
There is not a single provision in
the bill to which they do not object.
They object to the provision which
would establish a six-member civil
rights commission in the executive
branch of the Government to investigate 
charges that citizens are being 
deprived of their right to vote,
to study and collect information
concerning legal developments constituting 
a denial of equal protection
of the laws under the Constitution
and to appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government with
respect to equal protection.
This provision is objectionable
because the commission would be
clothed with subpoena powers.
Senator Allen J. Ellender, Democrat, 
of Louisiana, contends that the
proposed commission would be a
roving grand jury" and gather evidence 
to be used in the prosecutions
authorised by the bill — "prosecutions 
criminal in nature but masquerading 
in the robes of equity."
Senator Ellender knows that the
main purpose of the bill is to avoid
criminal prosecutions by the use of
injunctive proceedings to stop
threatened deprivations of the right
to vote or threatened violations of
other civil rights before they occur.
The main objection to the bill,
however, is to Part III, which Senator 
Russell contends would permit
the Federal Government to thrust
racial integration down the throats
of southern whites at the point of a
bayonet.
Part III of the bill would amend
the old Ku Klux Klan Act which
provides a civil remedy in damages
to a person damaged as a result of
conspiracies to deprive one of certain 
civil rights.
The effect of the provisions of
the proposed bill on existing law as
contained in title 42, United States
Code section 1985, is not to expand
civil rights presently protected but
merely to give the Attorney General
the right to bring a civil suit to enjoin 
acts or practices which would
be a violation of the Ku Klux Klan
Act.
Section 1993 of the same title
provides:
"It shall be lawful for the President 
of the United States, or such
person as he may empower for that
purpose, to employ such part of the
land or naval forces of the United.
States or of the militia as may be
necessary to aid in the execution
of judicial process issued under sec
tions 
1981-1983 and 1985-1994 of this
title."
Senator Everett M. Dirksen, Republican, 
of Illinois, who, with Senator 
Thomas C. Hennings, Democrat, 
of Missouri, is co-sponsor of
the Senate version of the Houseapproved 
civil rights bill, told the
Senate Wednesday that the contention 
that Part III of the bill is intended 
to authorize use of the armed 
forces to enforce civil rights "is
completely without foundation."
Senator Dirksen argued that there
would be no need for doing that because 
other provisions of the United
States Code "gives the President
ultimate authority to employ the
land and naval forces to aid in the
enforcement of desegregation decrees 
issued by Federal courts in
any private suits which might be instituted 
under authority of that title
of the code, and for the further purpose 
of desegregating the public
school.
"But entirely apart from the sections 
being dealt with in the bill,
the President may under laws
which were enacted by Congress as
late as last year, and which have
been enacted and codified and recodified, 
going back to 1795 exercise 
that sort of power."
The fundamental issue in the debate 
over civil rights is the question
of obedience to Federal law. On that
issue there can be no compromise.
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Georgia, Florida, Alabama,
Louisiana, Tennessee, Arkansas and
Texas, as well as every other state
in the Union, must abide by what
the Supreme Court says is the law
of the land until that law is changed 
by an Act of Congress or a constitutional 
amendment.
If Federal troops are necessary to
enforce the law in certain states,
they should be employed, or else
there will be anarchy.

PART III OBJECTION
COLORED PEOPLE are always
the pawns and victims in compromises 
involving fundamental rights.
The Missouri Compromise of 1820
admitted Missouri into the Union
as a slave state.
The Compromise of 1850 tightened
the Law for the return of fugitive
slaves to their masters.
Now there is talk of compromise
on the Eisenhower Administration's
civil rights bill.
In the first place, a compromise
involves mutual concessions. Spokesmen 
for the South have repeatedly
said it makes no difference what
changes are made in the bill, it will
remain unacceptable to them.
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat 
of Mississippi, chairman of the
Senate. Judiciary Committee, said
that after his committee adopted
the Ervin amendment to the Senate
version of the House-approved bill.
The Ervin amendment, offered by
Senator Sam Ervin, Democrat, of
North Carolina, provided for trial by
jury in contempt of court cases arising 
out of injunctions the Attorney
General may obtain under the provisions 
of the civil rights bill.
At the White House, after his
conference with President Eisenhower, 
Senator Richard B. Russell,
of Georgia, the undisputed leader of
the southern bloc, was asked whether 
the bill would be more acceptable
to him if it were restricted to the
right to vote.
Senator Russell avoided a direct
answer to this question, but said
colored people in Georgia enjoy the

right to vote and pointed out that
Dr. Rufus E. Clement, president of
Atlanta University had been elected
and reelected to the Atlanta Board
of Education, although the colored
population of Atlanta is only 30 or
35 per cent of the total population.
Complete emasculation is the only
thing that would make the bill palatable 
to the Southerners — and
even they would conduct a token
filibuster and vote against the measure 
in its emasculated form.
There is not a single provision in
the bill to which they do not object.
They object to the provision which
would establish a six-member civil
rights commission in the executive
branch of the Government to investigate 
charges that citizens are being 
deprived of their right to vote,
to study and collect information
concerning legal developments constituting 
a denial of equal protection
of the laws under the Constitution
and to appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government with
respect to equal protection.
This provision is objectionable
because the commission would be
clothed with subpoena powers.
Senator Allen J. Ellender, Democrat, 
of Louisiana, contends that the
proposed commission would be a
roving grand jury" and gather evidence 
to be used in the prosecutions
authorised by the bill — "prosecutions 
criminal in nature but masquerading 
in the robes of equity."
Senator Ellender knows that the
main purpose of the bill is to avoid
criminal prosecutions by the use of
injunctive proceedings to stop
threatened deprivations of the right
to vote or threatened violations of
other civil rights before they occur.
The main objection to the bill,
however, is to Part III, which Senator 
Russell contends would permit
the Federal Government to thrust
racial integration down the throats
of southern whites at the point of a
bayonet.
Part III of the bill would amend
the old Ku Klux Klan Act which
provides a civil remedy in damages
to a person damaged as a result of
conspiracies to deprive one of certain 
civil rights.
The effect of the provisions of
the proposed bill on existing law as
contained in title 42, United States
Code section 1985, is not to expand
civil rights presently protected but
merely to give the Attorney General
the right to bring a civil suit to enjoin 
acts or practices which would
be a violation of the Ku Klux Klan
Act.
Section 1993 of the same title
provides:
"It shall be lawful for the President 
of the United States, or such
person as he may empower for that
purpose, to employ such part of the
land or naval forces of the United.
States or of the militia as may be
necessary to aid in the execution
of judicial process issued under sec
tions 
1981-1983 and 1985-1994 of this
title."
Senator Everett M. Dirksen, Republican, 
of Illinois, who, with Senator 
Thomas C. Hennings, Democrat, 
of Missouri, is co-sponsor of
the Senate version of the Houseapproved 
civil rights bill, told the
Senate Wednesday that the contention 
that Part III of the bill is intended 
to authorize use of the armed 
forces to enforce civil rights "is
completely without foundation."
Senator Dirksen argued that there
would be no need for doing that because 
other provisions of the United
States Code "gives the President
ultimate authority to employ the
land and naval forces to aid in the
enforcement of desegregation decrees 
issued by Federal courts in
any private suits which might be instituted 
under authority of that title
of the code, and for the further purpose 
of desegregating the public
school.
"But entirely apart from the sections 
being dealt with in the bill,
the President may under laws
which were enacted by Congress as
late as last year, and which have
been enacted and codified and recodified, 
going back to 1795 exercise 
that sort of power."
The fundamental issue in the debate 
over civil rights is the question
of obedience to Federal law. On that
issue there can be no compromise.
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Georgia, Florida, Alabama,
Louisiana, Tennessee, Arkansas and
Texas, as well as every other state
in the Union, must abide by what
the Supreme Court says is the law
of the land until that law is changed 
by an Act of Congress or a constitutional 
amendment.
If Federal troops are necessary to
enforce the law in certain states,
they should be employed, or else
there will be anarchy.

PRESIDENTIAL AUTHORITY
COLORED PEOPLE are always
the pawns and victims in compromises 
involving fundamental rights.
The Missouri Compromise of 1820
admitted Missouri into the Union
as a slave state.
The Compromise of 1850 tightened
the Law for the return of fugitive
slaves to their masters.
Now there is talk of compromise
on the Eisenhower Administration's
civil rights bill.
In the first place, a compromise
involves mutual concessions. Spokesmen 
for the South have repeatedly
said it makes no difference what
changes are made in the bill, it will
remain unacceptable to them.
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat 
of Mississippi, chairman of the
Senate. Judiciary Committee, said
that after his committee adopted
the Ervin amendment to the Senate
version of the House-approved bill.
The Ervin amendment, offered by
Senator Sam Ervin, Democrat, of
North Carolina, provided for trial by
jury in contempt of court cases arising 
out of injunctions the Attorney
General may obtain under the provisions 
of the civil rights bill.
At the White House, after his
conference with President Eisenhower, 
Senator Richard B. Russell,
of Georgia, the undisputed leader of
the southern bloc, was asked whether 
the bill would be more acceptable
to him if it were restricted to the
right to vote.
Senator Russell avoided a direct
answer to this question, but said
colored people in Georgia enjoy the

right to vote and pointed out that
Dr. Rufus E. Clement, president of
Atlanta University had been elected
and reelected to the Atlanta Board
of Education, although the colored
population of Atlanta is only 30 or
35 per cent of the total population.
Complete emasculation is the only
thing that would make the bill palatable 
to the Southerners — and
even they would conduct a token
filibuster and vote against the measure 
in its emasculated form.
There is not a single provision in
the bill to which they do not object.
They object to the provision which
would establish a six-member civil
rights commission in the executive
branch of the Government to investigate 
charges that citizens are being 
deprived of their right to vote,
to study and collect information
concerning legal developments constituting 
a denial of equal protection
of the laws under the Constitution
and to appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government with
respect to equal protection.
This provision is objectionable
because the commission would be
clothed with subpoena powers.
Senator Allen J. Ellender, Democrat, 
of Louisiana, contends that the
proposed commission would be a
roving grand jury" and gather evidence 
to be used in the prosecutions
authorised by the bill — "prosecutions 
criminal in nature but masquerading 
in the robes of equity."
Senator Ellender knows that the
main purpose of the bill is to avoid
criminal prosecutions by the use of
injunctive proceedings to stop
threatened deprivations of the right
to vote or threatened violations of
other civil rights before they occur.
The main objection to the bill,
however, is to Part III, which Senator 
Russell contends would permit
the Federal Government to thrust
racial integration down the throats
of southern whites at the point of a
bayonet.
Part III of the bill would amend
the old Ku Klux Klan Act which
provides a civil remedy in damages
to a person damaged as a result of
conspiracies to deprive one of certain 
civil rights.
The effect of the provisions of
the proposed bill on existing law as
contained in title 42, United States
Code section 1985, is not to expand
civil rights presently protected but
merely to give the Attorney General
the right to bring a civil suit to enjoin 
acts or practices which would
be a violation of the Ku Klux Klan
Act.
Section 1993 of the same title
provides:
"It shall be lawful for the President 
of the United States, or such
person as he may empower for that
purpose, to employ such part of the
land or naval forces of the United.
States or of the militia as may be
necessary to aid in the execution
of judicial process issued under sec
tions 
1981-1983 and 1985-1994 of this
title."
Senator Everett M. Dirksen, Republican, 
of Illinois, who, with Senator 
Thomas C. Hennings, Democrat, 
of Missouri, is co-sponsor of
the Senate version of the Houseapproved 
civil rights bill, told the
Senate Wednesday that the contention 
that Part III of the bill is intended 
to authorize use of the armed 
forces to enforce civil rights "is
completely without foundation."
Senator Dirksen argued that there
would be no need for doing that because 
other provisions of the United
States Code "gives the President
ultimate authority to employ the
land and naval forces to aid in the
enforcement of desegregation decrees 
issued by Federal courts in
any private suits which might be instituted 
under authority of that title
of the code, and for the further purpose 
of desegregating the public
school.
"But entirely apart from the sections 
being dealt with in the bill,
the President may under laws
which were enacted by Congress as
late as last year, and which have
been enacted and codified and recodified, 
going back to 1795 exercise 
that sort of power."
The fundamental issue in the debate 
over civil rights is the question
of obedience to Federal law. On that
issue there can be no compromise.
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
Georgia, Florida, Alabama,
Louisiana, Tennessee, Arkansas and
Texas, as well as every other state
in the Union, must abide by what
the Supreme Court says is the law
of the land until that law is changed 
by an Act of Congress or a constitutional 
amendment.
If Federal troops are necessary to
enforce the law in certain states,
they should be employed, or else
there will be anarchy.

WISHING WELL
Registered U. S. Patent Office.
HERE is a pleasant little game that will give you a message every
day. It is a numerical puzzle designed to spell out your fortune.
Count the letters in your first name. If the number of letters is 6 or
more, subtract 4. If the number is less than 6, add 3. The result is
your key number. Start at the upper left-hand corner of the rectangle 
and check every one of your key numbers, left to right. Then
read the message the letters under the checked figures give you.

Police Chief

"When it looked like the reverend 
would be seriously hurt."
Allison testified. "I immediately
called the police."
Negro children stopped attending 
the school November 29th and
did not return unti escorted by Rev
Turner on December 4th. He was
attacked after leaving the school.
The government was attempting
to weave a web of circumstantial
evidence around the defendants,
showing they conspired together
and with Kasper in forcefully preventing 
the integration of the
school.
The first two defendants of the
afternoon session described the attack 
on the preacher and identified 
several of the defendants who
chief Moore reaffirmed.
Six witnesses in the morning al
so 
described the riots and identifled 
various defendants as being
on the scene.

CALLED POLICE

"When it looked like the reverend 
would be seriously hurt."
Allison testified. "I immediately
called the police."
Negro children stopped attending 
the school November 29th and
did not return unti escorted by Rev
Turner on December 4th. He was
attacked after leaving the school.
The government was attempting
to weave a web of circumstantial
evidence around the defendants,
showing they conspired together
and with Kasper in forcefully preventing 
the integration of the
school.
The first two defendants of the
afternoon session described the attack 
on the preacher and identified 
several of the defendants who
chief Moore reaffirmed.
Six witnesses in the morning al
so 
described the riots and identifled 
various defendants as being
on the scene.

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FEMALE HELP WANTED


Bunton Hits Enemies

ster.
"We must learn to be more dependable 
as a group. We must learn
to regard time. We must learn to
support our Negro institutions. We
will fight until the oceans or injustice 
are dried up, until the mountains 
of white supremacy melt before 
the fire of brotherhood."
In conclusion, Rev. Bunton challenged 
the crowd to "keep up the
fight on a high ethical level with
deep religious fervor. Let others
frown and scorn, but let us smile.
Let us remain true to our ideals."
Also appearing on the program
included Harry L. Strong, who
told of the Veterans. Benefit's accomplishments 
in the last year.
He urged each person to register
and vote. "Negroes must stand together 
for the common benefit of
all," he said.
Also appearing on thee program
were:
Rev. Eddie Smith, assistant pastor 
at Mt. Olive Cathedral; Eddie
Malone, Mrs. Mamie Tippett, Rev.
Dennie Deny, Rev. E. C. Tippett,
chaplain of the VBI, Rev. Amos
Terrell, master of ceremony.
Music was supplied by:
Soloists Willie Jones, Lee Cunningham 
and Thee Junior Choir of
the Progressive Baptist Church;
Bartlett's Choir of the First Baptist 
Church of Bartlett Tenn.; Pattersonaires 
Mallory Knights Male
Chorus; Paterson's Ensemble of
the New Salem Baptist Church and
New Shiloh Baptist Church.
Also appearing on the program
was J. T. Walker, president of the
Bluff City Council of Civic Clubs.
Chairman of the affair was Rev.
Dendy, Co-chairmen are James
McClenton and Strong.
President of the organization,
Atty. J.E. Estes, was in Washington,
D. C. on business.

TOLD TO REGISTER, VOTE

ster.
"We must learn to be more dependable 
as a group. We must learn
to regard time. We must learn to
support our Negro institutions. We
will fight until the oceans or injustice 
are dried up, until the mountains 
of white supremacy melt before 
the fire of brotherhood."
In conclusion, Rev. Bunton challenged 
the crowd to "keep up the
fight on a high ethical level with
deep religious fervor. Let others
frown and scorn, but let us smile.
Let us remain true to our ideals."
Also appearing on the program
included Harry L. Strong, who
told of the Veterans. Benefit's accomplishments 
in the last year.
He urged each person to register
and vote. "Negroes must stand together 
for the common benefit of
all," he said.
Also appearing on thee program
were:
Rev. Eddie Smith, assistant pastor 
at Mt. Olive Cathedral; Eddie
Malone, Mrs. Mamie Tippett, Rev.
Dennie Deny, Rev. E. C. Tippett,
chaplain of the VBI, Rev. Amos
Terrell, master of ceremony.
Music was supplied by:
Soloists Willie Jones, Lee Cunningham 
and Thee Junior Choir of
the Progressive Baptist Church;
Bartlett's Choir of the First Baptist 
Church of Bartlett Tenn.; Pattersonaires 
Mallory Knights Male
Chorus; Paterson's Ensemble of
the New Salem Baptist Church and
New Shiloh Baptist Church.
Also appearing on the program
was J. T. Walker, president of the
Bluff City Council of Civic Clubs.
Chairman of the affair was Rev.
Dendy, Co-chairmen are James
McClenton and Strong.
President of the organization,
Atty. J.E. Estes, was in Washington,
D. C. on business.

Approximately 16,000

to work in the campaign. He went
on to say that certain business
establishments have volunteered to
contribute furniture, equipment and
one company has promised to landscape 
the grounds free of charge.
Mayor Matthew Orgill, one of the
key speakers urged the Negro
churches to make a substantial
contribution. He also called upon
Negro businesses to contribute to
the drive as well as individuals.
He recalled how successful the

drive for the Collin Chapel CME
Hospital had been. And how they
went over the goal. He called for
a duplication of that effort.
The mayor suggested that the
larger Negro churches donate a
minimum of $1,000.
Another speaker, M. A. Lightman,
Sr., manager of the Malco Theatres, 
Inc., and board director of the
Goodwill Homes, promised to work
with the Negro division two weeks.
Urging the group into action he
said "nothing is more important
than this project before you. You
can do a good job if you wish. Because 
the Negro today is a far cry
from 1865. There is no racial seg-
"I think every man is born equal
and every child should have an
equal chance in life."
Lightman continued. "Delinquency 
is born out of conditions
like this. It is more important than
hospitals and churches to have
homes for orphaned children. And
if I were a Negro I would not tolerate 
this condition. I would call my
people together."
Rev. Henry C. Bunton, pastor of
Mt. Olive CME Cathedral started
the pledges by saying his church
would contribute $1,000. Other ministers 
who also pledged their
churches were.
Rev. Roy Love of Mt. Nebo Baptist 
church, $1,000; Elder Blair T.
Hunt, Mississippi Boulevard Christian 
Church, $1,000; Rev. D. D.
Cunningham of Collins Chapel C.
M. E., $1,000; Rev. D. W. Browning,
Mt. Pisgah Methodist, $1,000; H. A.
Gilliam of the Universal Life Insurance 
Company, $1,000, (this is
not a pledge from the company);
B. T. James, Jr., president of the
Quo Vadis (recently organized social 
civic club for young people)
$5,000; Bluff City-Shelby Council of
Civic clubs, $500; Rev. J. A. McDaniel, 
Bethel Presbyterian, $500;
Rev. J. H. Thompkin, Union Grove
Baptist, $500; Rev. McGhee, Great
Mt. Zion Baptist, $500; Rev. D. M.
Grisham, Centenary Methodist, $500
Rev. G. Hentrell, Trinity Methodist,
$500; Pilgrim Rest Baptist, $500;
Rev. J. E. Clark, Oak Grove Baptist, 
$250; Lake Grove Baptist, $250;
Rev. William L. Bell, Clayborn Temple 
AME, $200; J. Ashton Hayes,
retired principal of Manassas high
school, $100; Rev. W. L. Varnado,
Jackson Avenue Baptist, $100 (personal 
pledge).

The Brass and the Blue
BY JAMES KEENE
Copyright, 1956, by James Keene, Reprinted by permission of Random House, Inc. (King Features Syndicate)
GENERAL SHERMAN rose
when General Weasels entered 
the room, dusty and unshaven. 
"Well," Sherman said,
"you've made a ride of it, sir."
"How are you, sir?" Wessels
nodded at the others. "Do you
know, I left Fort Kearny an
hour after Captain Schwabacker
and the Cheyennes. Look at the
lead they stretched. It's no wonder 
we never were able to chase
the Indians and catch them."
"Sit down," Sherman said.
"Colonel Ashford, pour General
Wessels some brandy." With
Wessels lifting a loaded glass,
Sherman added, "We've had our
preliminary peace talks, General,
and I must say the results are
gratifying."
"I rode through the Cheyenne
camp on the way in," Wessels
said. "The devilish feeling it puts
in a man."
"Then imagine the courage of
Captain Schwabacker and his
sergeant." General Harney said
"Alone and unarmed."
"We were just discussing Captain 
Schwabacker's arrest," Sherman 
said. "And we all agreed
that he is to be released immediately." 

Wessels was immeasurably
shocked. "Gentlemen, you condone 
his actions?"
"I haven't read Mrs. Kincaid's
deposition," Sherman said, "but I
believe that it is within my power
to release Captain Schwabacker."
Wessels put aside his brandy;
hand. "General, may I inform
you that Mrs. Kincaid's charge
has now paled to insignificance.
Captain Schwabacker is charged
with relieving a superior officer
of his command, by force, and I
have charges of my own to present: 
the unauthorized suing for
peace in the name of the United
States Government."
Four generals stared. Colonel
Ashford sat dumbly; this was not
his problem and he was glad of
it.
General Terry found voice first,
and it thundered. "Do you mean
to sit there. General, and tell me
that Captain Schwabacker, on his
own initiative, and without authority, 
went to the hostile camp
and sued for peace?"
"I do, sir."
"God, what a man," Harney
said. "Brevet him!"
Sherman waved his hand impatiently. 
His long face grew
thoughtful and he got up to walk
back and forth. "There can be
no snap judgment here," he said
at last. "Gentlemen, have Captain 
Schwabacker summoned in
the morning for a general courtmartial." 

Brevet Captain Emil Schwabacker 
dressed carefully in a new
full-dress uniform thoughtfully
provided by the regimental adjutant, 
but when he stepped outside
into the early-morning sunlight,
he was without sidearms, as
befitted an officer under arrest.
The officer of the day waited
with indifferent courtesy and together 
they walked toward head
quarters, 
where General Sherman
had appropriated a room for the
heating. A sentry stood on each
side of the door, presenting arms
smartly for the O. D. who opened
the door, then stepped aside and
waved Emil Schwabacker inside.
A long table stood at the extreme 
end of the room, and behind 
this was arrayed the mostmagnificent 
aggregation of rank
Emil Schwabacker had ever seen.
Colonel Ashford was there, seated
to one side. Lieutenant Eastwood
occupied a chair at the prosecuting 
counsel's table. Schwabacker 
came to attention, saluting.
General Sherman said, "Take a
seat, Captain."
Schwabacker lowered himself
into a chair and only then did he
see the few chairs at the back of
the room. His father sat there,
stony-faced. Henrietta Brubaker
occupied another, between his
father and a heavily whiskered
man uneasy in a suit of clothes.
Schwabacker had never seen Jim
Bridger before, but he recognized
him immediately.
General Sherman rapped with
the gavel. "This military court
will now come to order."
The first charge, that of Lydia
Kincaid, was presented. Colonel
Ashford read the charges, and
the deposition, which was entered 
on the record by two industriously 
writing clerks.
"May it please the court," Ashford 
said, after surrendering the
documents, "Captain Schwabacker 
is not represented by counsel."
"I'm aware of that Colonel,"
Sherman said. "However, the
matter has been taken care of.
Orderly, will you summon he
counsel for the defense to this
court."
There was a long period of silence, 
of waiting, while the orderly 
was out of the room. A large
clock on the wall ticked with
maddening regularity, then the
door opened and Captain Temple
Jocelyn entered the room, his
cane thumping solidly on the
floor at each step. He took a
seat at Schwabacker's table and
this brought Lieutenant Eastwood 
to his feet.
"General, I protest this irregularity!" 
He waved a hand at
Jocelyn, who mopped perspiration
from his brow. His long siege of
illness had sapped his strength,
left him alarmingly thin. "General," 
Eastwood was saying.
"Captain Jocelyn has preferred
separate charges against Captain
Schwabacker. This is disqualifying!" 

Jocelyn rose slowly, with the
aid of his cane, and stood like a
tall pine, swaying slightly. "May
it please the court," he said, "but
I have no charges to press
against Captain Schwabacker, or
Sergeant Major Finnegan."
"He relieved you of your
command!" Eastwood shouted
"D—— it all, I was there!"
Sherman's gavel was a solid
thumping. He hooked Lieutenant
Eastwood with his eyes and said.
"Lieutenant, may I remind you
now that another irregular outburst 
will be grounds for your

removal from this court. Sit
down!" When this order had
been obeyed, he spoke to Jocelyn.
"Captain, will you be good
enough to explain this withdrawal 
of charges?"
"Yes, sir. It's true that Captain
Schwabacker relieved me of my
command, and at the time I objected 
in the most strenuous manner, 
but I was motivated by a
severe wound, aggravated by a
fever condition. The regimental
surgeon at Fort Philip Kearny
will testify, if need be, to the
truth of that statement."
"We're not doubting your word,
Captain," Sherman said. "You admit 
now, before this court, that
you mischarged Captain Schwabacker?" 

"I do, sir." Jocelyn's voice was
firm. "He did me a great service,
and for any unpleasantness I have
coat him, I offer my most humble
apologies." He looked down at
Schwabacker, and the ice in his
eyes melted. A smile lifted his
lips. "I'm sorry, Emil. Somehow,
I could never say it before."
"I understand, sir." Schwabacker 
tipped his head down and
studied his hands, warmth filling
him, crowding out every other
feeling. He knew that he never
again would compete with this
man, would never need to, for
they were equals.
"Very well, Captain," Sherman
said sternly. "The charge against
Captain Schwabacker is dropped."
"My charges against Sergeant
Major Finnegan are also dropped," 
Jocelyn said. "Sergeant
Finnegan prevented me from
committing murder." Sherman's
eyes opened a bit wider; the
other generals sat a bit straighter. 
"I was ready to shoot Captain 
Schwabacker when Sergeant
Finnegan disarmed me. He performed 
a soldier's duty, and I'm
sorry for mistaking his intent."
"This leaves me no alternative," 
Sherman said. "Colonel
Ashford, you will secure the immediate 
release of Sergeant Finnegan 
from the post stockade."
He looked at the two busy clerks.
"So ordered in the records."
Eastwood stood erect. "May I
speak, sir?"
"If you think you can sift the
profanity from your remarks,"
Sherman said. He was a deceptive 
man, until aroused, then his
eyes left little doubt in a man's
mind as to his character.
Color invaded Eastwood's
cheeks. He said, "Since Captain
Jocelyn's largesse has dispensed
with one set of charges, may I
present Mrs. Kincaid's?"
"Proceed," Sherman said.
"I intend to prove", Eastwood
said, "that Captain Schwabacker
acted without authority and indirectly 
caused the death of an
army officer."


CHAPTER 35
BY JAMES KEENE
Copyright, 1956, by James Keene, Reprinted by permission of Random House, Inc. (King Features Syndicate)
GENERAL SHERMAN rose
when General Weasels entered 
the room, dusty and unshaven. 
"Well," Sherman said,
"you've made a ride of it, sir."
"How are you, sir?" Wessels
nodded at the others. "Do you
know, I left Fort Kearny an
hour after Captain Schwabacker
and the Cheyennes. Look at the
lead they stretched. It's no wonder 
we never were able to chase
the Indians and catch them."
"Sit down," Sherman said.
"Colonel Ashford, pour General
Wessels some brandy." With
Wessels lifting a loaded glass,
Sherman added, "We've had our
preliminary peace talks, General,
and I must say the results are
gratifying."
"I rode through the Cheyenne
camp on the way in," Wessels
said. "The devilish feeling it puts
in a man."
"Then imagine the courage of
Captain Schwabacker and his
sergeant." General Harney said
"Alone and unarmed."
"We were just discussing Captain 
Schwabacker's arrest," Sherman 
said. "And we all agreed
that he is to be released immediately." 

Wessels was immeasurably
shocked. "Gentlemen, you condone 
his actions?"
"I haven't read Mrs. Kincaid's
deposition," Sherman said, "but I
believe that it is within my power
to release Captain Schwabacker."
Wessels put aside his brandy;
hand. "General, may I inform
you that Mrs. Kincaid's charge
has now paled to insignificance.
Captain Schwabacker is charged
with relieving a superior officer
of his command, by force, and I
have charges of my own to present: 
the unauthorized suing for
peace in the name of the United
States Government."
Four generals stared. Colonel
Ashford sat dumbly; this was not
his problem and he was glad of
it.
General Terry found voice first,
and it thundered. "Do you mean
to sit there. General, and tell me
that Captain Schwabacker, on his
own initiative, and without authority, 
went to the hostile camp
and sued for peace?"
"I do, sir."
"God, what a man," Harney
said. "Brevet him!"
Sherman waved his hand impatiently. 
His long face grew
thoughtful and he got up to walk
back and forth. "There can be
no snap judgment here," he said
at last. "Gentlemen, have Captain 
Schwabacker summoned in
the morning for a general courtmartial." 

Brevet Captain Emil Schwabacker 
dressed carefully in a new
full-dress uniform thoughtfully
provided by the regimental adjutant, 
but when he stepped outside
into the early-morning sunlight,
he was without sidearms, as
befitted an officer under arrest.
The officer of the day waited
with indifferent courtesy and together 
they walked toward head
quarters, 
where General Sherman
had appropriated a room for the
heating. A sentry stood on each
side of the door, presenting arms
smartly for the O. D. who opened
the door, then stepped aside and
waved Emil Schwabacker inside.
A long table stood at the extreme 
end of the room, and behind 
this was arrayed the mostmagnificent 
aggregation of rank
Emil Schwabacker had ever seen.
Colonel Ashford was there, seated
to one side. Lieutenant Eastwood
occupied a chair at the prosecuting 
counsel's table. Schwabacker 
came to attention, saluting.
General Sherman said, "Take a
seat, Captain."
Schwabacker lowered himself
into a chair and only then did he
see the few chairs at the back of
the room. His father sat there,
stony-faced. Henrietta Brubaker
occupied another, between his
father and a heavily whiskered
man uneasy in a suit of clothes.
Schwabacker had never seen Jim
Bridger before, but he recognized
him immediately.
General Sherman rapped with
the gavel. "This military court
will now come to order."
The first charge, that of Lydia
Kincaid, was presented. Colonel
Ashford read the charges, and
the deposition, which was entered 
on the record by two industriously 
writing clerks.
"May it please the court," Ashford 
said, after surrendering the
documents, "Captain Schwabacker 
is not represented by counsel."
"I'm aware of that Colonel,"
Sherman said. "However, the
matter has been taken care of.
Orderly, will you summon he
counsel for the defense to this
court."
There was a long period of silence, 
of waiting, while the orderly 
was out of the room. A large
clock on the wall ticked with
maddening regularity, then the
door opened and Captain Temple
Jocelyn entered the room, his
cane thumping solidly on the
floor at each step. He took a
seat at Schwabacker's table and
this brought Lieutenant Eastwood 
to his feet.
"General, I protest this irregularity!" 
He waved a hand at
Jocelyn, who mopped perspiration
from his brow. His long siege of
illness had sapped his strength,
left him alarmingly thin. "General," 
Eastwood was saying.
"Captain Jocelyn has preferred
separate charges against Captain
Schwabacker. This is disqualifying!" 

Jocelyn rose slowly, with the
aid of his cane, and stood like a
tall pine, swaying slightly. "May
it please the court," he said, "but
I have no charges to press
against Captain Schwabacker, or
Sergeant Major Finnegan."
"He relieved you of your
command!" Eastwood shouted
"D—— it all, I was there!"
Sherman's gavel was a solid
thumping. He hooked Lieutenant
Eastwood with his eyes and said.
"Lieutenant, may I remind you
now that another irregular outburst 
will be grounds for your

removal from this court. Sit
down!" When this order had
been obeyed, he spoke to Jocelyn.
"Captain, will you be good
enough to explain this withdrawal 
of charges?"
"Yes, sir. It's true that Captain
Schwabacker relieved me of my
command, and at the time I objected 
in the most strenuous manner, 
but I was motivated by a
severe wound, aggravated by a
fever condition. The regimental
surgeon at Fort Philip Kearny
will testify, if need be, to the
truth of that statement."
"We're not doubting your word,
Captain," Sherman said. "You admit 
now, before this court, that
you mischarged Captain Schwabacker?" 

"I do, sir." Jocelyn's voice was
firm. "He did me a great service,
and for any unpleasantness I have
coat him, I offer my most humble
apologies." He looked down at
Schwabacker, and the ice in his
eyes melted. A smile lifted his
lips. "I'm sorry, Emil. Somehow,
I could never say it before."
"I understand, sir." Schwabacker 
tipped his head down and
studied his hands, warmth filling
him, crowding out every other
feeling. He knew that he never
again would compete with this
man, would never need to, for
they were equals.
"Very well, Captain," Sherman
said sternly. "The charge against
Captain Schwabacker is dropped."
"My charges against Sergeant
Major Finnegan are also dropped," 
Jocelyn said. "Sergeant
Finnegan prevented me from
committing murder." Sherman's
eyes opened a bit wider; the
other generals sat a bit straighter. 
"I was ready to shoot Captain 
Schwabacker when Sergeant
Finnegan disarmed me. He performed 
a soldier's duty, and I'm
sorry for mistaking his intent."
"This leaves me no alternative," 
Sherman said. "Colonel
Ashford, you will secure the immediate 
release of Sergeant Finnegan 
from the post stockade."
He looked at the two busy clerks.
"So ordered in the records."
Eastwood stood erect. "May I
speak, sir?"
"If you think you can sift the
profanity from your remarks,"
Sherman said. He was a deceptive 
man, until aroused, then his
eyes left little doubt in a man's
mind as to his character.
Color invaded Eastwood's
cheeks. He said, "Since Captain
Jocelyn's largesse has dispensed
with one set of charges, may I
present Mrs. Kincaid's?"
"Proceed," Sherman said.
"I intend to prove", Eastwood
said, "that Captain Schwabacker
acted without authority and indirectly 
caused the death of an
army officer."


National Deacons' Convention
Hold Meeting On July 23-26
The 1957 annual session of the

National Baptist Deacons' Convention 
will be held at the Second Baptist 
Church, 1348 Grove Street,
where the Rev. M. H. Ribbins is
pastor July 23 through July 26 with
the president, Deacon James Ross
of Washington, D. C., presiding.
The Deacons Union of Chattanooga 
and vicinity, hosts to this
great conclave, will entertain the
messengers with a pre-convention
musical Tuesday night, July 23, at
8 o'clock. Deacon S. E. Flemister is
chairman of this special program.
The expected states to be represented 
are Pennsylvania, New York.
New Jersey, Connecticut, Maryland,
District of Columbia, Missouri, Ohio,
North and South Carolina, Rhode
Island, Florida, Virginia, Massachusetts, 
Alabama, Georgia and Tennessee. 
Other delegations from other
states are expected to join those
above mentioned. Approximately
five to six hundred are expected to
be in our city. Deacon Clifford Williams 
is chairman of the reservation 
committee.
The convention proper will open
Wednesday morning, July 24, when
Deacon Ross will sound the gavel at
9 o'clock calling the 23rd annual
session to order.
Mrs. Priscilla Ross is the executive 
head of the Woman's Auxiliary
and will call the women to order.
Thursday morning, July 25, at 9
o'clock at the Westside Baptist.
Church where the Rev. Julius C.
Bonner is pastor.
A special sight seeing tour has
been planned for Tuesday, July 23,
at 1 P. M. The tour will end at the
official headquarters, Second Baptist 
Church, at 4:30 P. M. Deacon
Borah Bradford is chairman of the
tour committee.
The national president will deliver 
his annual message Wednesday 
afternoon. Mr. W. H. Whiteside 
is publicity chairman; Neven
Cummings, co-chairman.

PRE-CONVENTION
MUSICAL TUESDAY NIGHT
The 1957 annual session of the

National Baptist Deacons' Convention 
will be held at the Second Baptist 
Church, 1348 Grove Street,
where the Rev. M. H. Ribbins is
pastor July 23 through July 26 with
the president, Deacon James Ross
of Washington, D. C., presiding.
The Deacons Union of Chattanooga 
and vicinity, hosts to this
great conclave, will entertain the
messengers with a pre-convention
musical Tuesday night, July 23, at
8 o'clock. Deacon S. E. Flemister is
chairman of this special program.
The expected states to be represented 
are Pennsylvania, New York.
New Jersey, Connecticut, Maryland,
District of Columbia, Missouri, Ohio,
North and South Carolina, Rhode
Island, Florida, Virginia, Massachusetts, 
Alabama, Georgia and Tennessee. 
Other delegations from other
states are expected to join those
above mentioned. Approximately
five to six hundred are expected to
be in our city. Deacon Clifford Williams 
is chairman of the reservation 
committee.
The convention proper will open
Wednesday morning, July 24, when
Deacon Ross will sound the gavel at
9 o'clock calling the 23rd annual
session to order.
Mrs. Priscilla Ross is the executive 
head of the Woman's Auxiliary
and will call the women to order.
Thursday morning, July 25, at 9
o'clock at the Westside Baptist.
Church where the Rev. Julius C.
Bonner is pastor.
A special sight seeing tour has
been planned for Tuesday, July 23,
at 1 P. M. The tour will end at the
official headquarters, Second Baptist 
Church, at 4:30 P. M. Deacon
Borah Bradford is chairman of the
tour committee.
The national president will deliver 
his annual message Wednesday 
afternoon. Mr. W. H. Whiteside 
is publicity chairman; Neven
Cummings, co-chairman.

GRAY HAIR
MAKES YOU LOOK
OLDER THAN YOU ARE

SLICK BLACK
AT YOUR DRUGGIST