Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1958-07-02 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICAN'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE — Ph. JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES Managing Editor SMITH FLEMING Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00 — 6 Months $3.00 — 3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. The Sherman Adams Affair Since it is d part of the task assumed here to keep the records, be it not said that the Sherman Adams episode was deleted, the subject being a Republican and former governor of a rock-bound New England state, a section where two Presidents — John Adams and John Quincy Adams lie buried, and where three other Adamses, viz., Henry Adams, the great educator, Brooks Adams, the noted historian and later Charles Francis Adams, one time member of the cabinet of President Calvin Coolidge, himself a famous New England Yankee, left their footprints on the sands of time. The two Presidents Adams, who once lived at Braintree, Massachusetts, were proud strong men they left many famous enactments on the forum of state. Out of this constellation of great New England men came the days of Sherman Adams, Army General. So, this Adams who was selected as aide to President Eisenhower for many outstanding points in statesmanship, has been "observed," obviously in order to get something, without attempting a defense, even the enemies of an individual would be driven to him through a storm whose motive is so plain as to almost eclipse what was thought to be the embryo for a terrible political revolution. Every person of any consequence should have his friends; those generous ones who might bring from the country a basket of peaches or a sack of pecans, to say nothing about powerful individuals of high place and that prestige commanding the high respect for one for what he really is. Despite the fact that men of high position are human after all, and who may have made and accepted those friends who have no other ways of expressing themselves, save in gifts to their friends. So came the days of Bernard Goldfine, Wealthy philanthropist and textile mill tycoon. Goldfine according to sketches came to this country a poor Russian emigrant at an early age; he did not have the opportunity of acquiring a liberal education as such, but went to work early as a boy. Naturally such an individual who massed millions, beginning with a $3 per week job, would express his gratitude in lavishing what medium he had in insisting influential connections, which every individual should have. Sherman Adams of New England honest Quaker style, fortunately or unfortunately, was observed; they found that he, like a human, had accepted favors from a friend. This friend might have loosely dropped the hint somewhere which upset this political applecart, and believe it or not, somebody means "to go to town." But the modest New England temperament, which harbors no tears volunteered to the probe and answered questions without reservation. In asking the question, who among us that has not at some time made a mistake which would not become our present status if wheeled into the light? Many of us are spared "through this grace." Politics to the contrary, notwithstanding, President Eisenhower, who does not adhere to political trade winds has said that he needed Adams; Mr. Adams would not say that he has not made errors; he does contend that he certainly has not entered into any bargain—merely asked a report of his friend, that's all and since when was it a crime to ask for a report on some body? Mr. Adams' explanation satisfies us. Vacation Bible Training Courses In connection with their recreational activities and swimming exploits, it is well and fitting that these Vacation Bible Training courses be infused into the daily program of youth. It is no curiosity to see signs posted at churches, community centers and tent spaces denoting Bible training for youths. While these projects are not new, there is apparently more emphasis placed upon their values than formerly. In fact, many students make it a part of their daily ritual before going to the parks and playgrounds. They have sensed through their Sunday schools and churches the value of one being well informed in the Bible as in other subjects. In fact no person is roundly educated until he or she has attained certain facts around Bible history and that superb philosophy carried in the gospels and the Revelations. A knowledge of the Bible is one's indispensible intellectual equipment and nothing would fit better into a scheme of social and civic activities than planning Bible courses. The interest manifested by the youth in these projects should encourage the city and state that a spiritual emphasis is being activated in the lives of youth. Good teachers properly interpreting the scriptures and giving those parable demonstrations are valuable assets. It is earnestly hoped that parents will realize this wonderful help being brought to their doors fills a long felt need in the patterns and planning for the future. The children of today should not allow those of yesteryears to outrank them in Bible Knowledge. They should apply themselves to the end of creating an insatiable thirst for the teachings of Jesus. Through the teaching of the scriptures alone will we become to law-loving people. There would be less tension in the land and a more favorable tendency on the part of our citizens to respect the law of the land and to fully appreciate a government of laws with its citizens insisting in the settlement of all differences within the framework of the law. Let the Bible teachers be assisted in their efforts to fit into the vacation program of youth a wide range study and a wholesome appreciation of the teaching of our Lord. Brief Comments Advertising is business, not charity—spend your advertising dollars with this in mind. —o— Education is either worth supporting, or it should be dropped as a state activity. —o— A box of candy usually brings a smile to the face of any female, regardless of age. —o— Optimism is that quality that permits us to hope that somebody else will do something for us. —o— The individual who expects the word to conform to his or her ideas is doomed to disappointment. —o— When an individual offers you something for nothing, it is time to remember that the price is too high. SEEING and SAYING By WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor Atlanta Daily World SOMETIMES THE TALK and acts of violence around the South are frightening! At other times they are understandable as the dying gasps of an old, humanly unkind system of the affairs of man. —o— —o— IT IS HARD to pinpoint a single pattern of this kind of reaction to the law of the land Recent probes have connected bombings of school buildings and synagogues in Miami and Nashville, as to types of dynamite used and personnel involved. However, the fact is that there are not too many connecting lines of resentment over racial strivings, thus forming only a weak movement "to completely destroy the Negro." —o— THANK GOD FOR the level-headedness of our democracy. In its sinews are bound up more tolerance and final fair play that a large number of Americans are given to admit, or even know. —o— THE PROOF of America and its being accepted and emulated by the underprivileged nations lies side by side with its total acceptance and use of the Negro as an equal. There is no other course for existence as a nation of leadership for the world's millions! No Other Course! By WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor Atlanta Daily World SOMETIMES THE TALK and acts of violence around the South are frightening! At other times they are understandable as the dying gasps of an old, humanly unkind system of the affairs of man. —o— —o— IT IS HARD to pinpoint a single pattern of this kind of reaction to the law of the land Recent probes have connected bombings of school buildings and synagogues in Miami and Nashville, as to types of dynamite used and personnel involved. However, the fact is that there are not too many connecting lines of resentment over racial strivings, thus forming only a weak movement "to completely destroy the Negro." —o— THANK GOD FOR the level-headedness of our democracy. In its sinews are bound up more tolerance and final fair play that a large number of Americans are given to admit, or even know. —o— THE PROOF of America and its being accepted and emulated by the underprivileged nations lies side by side with its total acceptance and use of the Negro as an equal. There is no other course for existence as a nation of leadership for the world's millions! CAPITAL SPOTLIGHT LIBERAL SENATORS didn't take kindly to the story of an alleged deal between them and Dixiecrats on the Kennedy-Ives Labor Bill. Drew Pearson, a Washington columnist, reported that the Dixiecrats had voted for the labor bill on a promise from Northern liberals that they would not press for a change in Senate Rule 22. Rule 22 permits the Dixiecrats to filibuster or threaten to filibuster against civil rights and other legislation they don't like. Senator John F. Kennedy, of Massachusetts, a Democratic Presidential hopeful, was angry about the story, and so told a Pearson leg man. Kennedy was one of the handful of Senators, who, at the opening of the 83rd Congress in January, 1953, voted for the motion of Senator Clinton P. Anderson, Democrat, of New Mexico, that the Senate proceed to adopt new rules. The theory behind the Anderson motion was that the Senate is a continuing body and has the right, at the beginning of each new Congress, to adopt new rules. Only 14 Senators voted for it. If the Anderson motion had prevailed, the Senate could have shut off debate and adopted an antifilibustering rule by a majority vote of Senators present. Rule 22 requires a vote of twothirds of the entire Senate membership, or 64 Senators, to limit debate and leaves any resolution to change the rules subject to unlimited debate. But hanging over the head of the Dixiecrats is a ruling by Vice President Richard Nixon that any rule which perpetually fastens rules onto the Senate is unconstitutional. To rebut the Peason story, informed sources pointed out that the Southerners repeatedly voted against Kennedy and even Senator John L. McClellan, of Arkansas, chairman of the Labor Rackets investigating committee, had to be coaxed before he would come out for the bill—and even after the sponsors thought they had McClellan in line he voted with them only about half the time. They also pointed out that Senator Charles E. Potter, Republican, of Michigan, had an amendment which would have allowed union members to file petitions with the Secretary of Labor requesting that membership dues or fees shall be spent exclusively for collectivebargaining purposes, and allowing civil suit for recovery if otherwise spent. This, they said, would have banned labor union contributions to the NAACP and would have allowed union members to bring suits to recover as little as one mill. Staunch Dixiecrats like Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina also offered amendments to which the sponsors were opposed. Putting together the pieces which went into the Pearson "deal" story, this column came up with the answer that its source was a union lobbyist on Capitol Hill. An informed source said one of Pearson's leg men told him he had got the story of the alleged deal from the president of a union, who had got it from a lobbyist. Obviously trying to impress his boss, the union president, that he war earning his pay and expense account, the lobbyist told the union president that a big deal was brewing, whereby the Dixiecrats would go along with the Kennedy-Ives bill and Northern liberals would do nothing about the filibuster rule. The union president told the story to Pearson. Pearson wrote it. Even as good a friend of Pearson as Senator Wayne Morse, Democrat, of Oregon, said Pearson was "misinformed." "I yield to no one in the Senate on insistence on modification of Rule 22," Morse said. "I am willing to join at any time in whatever debate is necessary to get Rule 22 modified. I will support any proposal to strengthen it." Senator Jacob K. Javits, Republican, of New York, who fought to get a resolution to change Rule 22 out of the Rules Committee, said he had used the Little Rock decision as a jumping off point to indicate that the ruling only increased the need changing Rule 22 and enactment of civil rights legislation to give Attorney General authority to enjoin threatened violations of constitutional rights. "If a deal was made," Javits said, "nobody consulted me." The ex-professor, Senator Paul H. Douglas, Democrat, of Illinois, said he did not believe the Pearson story was true. "I certainly know nothing about it." Douglas said. "I am going to push for curbing the filibuster and a revision of Rule 22. I am confident that the overwhelming proportion of northern liberal Democrats are not trading anything away." Representative Barratt O'Hara, Democrat, of Illinois, said it: "Real estate values have dropped in Northern Virginia because of the threat to close public schools if they are integrated. Purchasers can get only two-thirds of what they paid." William J. Shaw, Atlanta accountant and business man, and Dr. George Flemming of Fort Worth, Tex., former national president of the Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, were guests at the luncheon given by President Eisenhower Tuesday for Prince Mohammed Daud, Premier of Afghanistan. A Baltimorean, Capt. Paul E. Waters, Engineer Corps, has been assigned to the Columbus (Ohio) Engineer Maintenance Center. He recently completed a tour of duty in Korea with the Korean Military Advisory Group. Major Robert L. Sweeney of Englewood, N. J., has been promoted to lieutenant colonel, and Capt. Edward Greer of Charleston, W. Va., and Washington, D. C, now on duty with the Office of the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Department of the Army, to major. They Didn't Like "Deal" LIBERAL SENATORS didn't take kindly to the story of an alleged deal between them and Dixiecrats on the Kennedy-Ives Labor Bill. Drew Pearson, a Washington columnist, reported that the Dixiecrats had voted for the labor bill on a promise from Northern liberals that they would not press for a change in Senate Rule 22. Rule 22 permits the Dixiecrats to filibuster or threaten to filibuster against civil rights and other legislation they don't like. Senator John F. Kennedy, of Massachusetts, a Democratic Presidential hopeful, was angry about the story, and so told a Pearson leg man. Kennedy was one of the handful of Senators, who, at the opening of the 83rd Congress in January, 1953, voted for the motion of Senator Clinton P. Anderson, Democrat, of New Mexico, that the Senate proceed to adopt new rules. The theory behind the Anderson motion was that the Senate is a continuing body and has the right, at the beginning of each new Congress, to adopt new rules. Only 14 Senators voted for it. If the Anderson motion had prevailed, the Senate could have shut off debate and adopted an antifilibustering rule by a majority vote of Senators present. Rule 22 requires a vote of twothirds of the entire Senate membership, or 64 Senators, to limit debate and leaves any resolution to change the rules subject to unlimited debate. But hanging over the head of the Dixiecrats is a ruling by Vice President Richard Nixon that any rule which perpetually fastens rules onto the Senate is unconstitutional. To rebut the Peason story, informed sources pointed out that the Southerners repeatedly voted against Kennedy and even Senator John L. McClellan, of Arkansas, chairman of the Labor Rackets investigating committee, had to be coaxed before he would come out for the bill—and even after the sponsors thought they had McClellan in line he voted with them only about half the time. They also pointed out that Senator Charles E. Potter, Republican, of Michigan, had an amendment which would have allowed union members to file petitions with the Secretary of Labor requesting that membership dues or fees shall be spent exclusively for collectivebargaining purposes, and allowing civil suit for recovery if otherwise spent. This, they said, would have banned labor union contributions to the NAACP and would have allowed union members to bring suits to recover as little as one mill. Staunch Dixiecrats like Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina also offered amendments to which the sponsors were opposed. Putting together the pieces which went into the Pearson "deal" story, this column came up with the answer that its source was a union lobbyist on Capitol Hill. An informed source said one of Pearson's leg men told him he had got the story of the alleged deal from the president of a union, who had got it from a lobbyist. Obviously trying to impress his boss, the union president, that he war earning his pay and expense account, the lobbyist told the union president that a big deal was brewing, whereby the Dixiecrats would go along with the Kennedy-Ives bill and Northern liberals would do nothing about the filibuster rule. The union president told the story to Pearson. Pearson wrote it. Even as good a friend of Pearson as Senator Wayne Morse, Democrat, of Oregon, said Pearson was "misinformed." "I yield to no one in the Senate on insistence on modification of Rule 22," Morse said. "I am willing to join at any time in whatever debate is necessary to get Rule 22 modified. I will support any proposal to strengthen it." Senator Jacob K. Javits, Republican, of New York, who fought to get a resolution to change Rule 22 out of the Rules Committee, said he had used the Little Rock decision as a jumping off point to indicate that the ruling only increased the need changing Rule 22 and enactment of civil rights legislation to give Attorney General authority to enjoin threatened violations of constitutional rights. "If a deal was made," Javits said, "nobody consulted me." The ex-professor, Senator Paul H. Douglas, Democrat, of Illinois, said he did not believe the Pearson story was true. "I certainly know nothing about it." Douglas said. "I am going to push for curbing the filibuster and a revision of Rule 22. I am confident that the overwhelming proportion of northern liberal Democrats are not trading anything away." Representative Barratt O'Hara, Democrat, of Illinois, said it: "Real estate values have dropped in Northern Virginia because of the threat to close public schools if they are integrated. Purchasers can get only two-thirds of what they paid." William J. Shaw, Atlanta accountant and business man, and Dr. George Flemming of Fort Worth, Tex., former national president of the Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, were guests at the luncheon given by President Eisenhower Tuesday for Prince Mohammed Daud, Premier of Afghanistan. A Baltimorean, Capt. Paul E. Waters, Engineer Corps, has been assigned to the Columbus (Ohio) Engineer Maintenance Center. He recently completed a tour of duty in Korea with the Korean Military Advisory Group. Major Robert L. Sweeney of Englewood, N. J., has been promoted to lieutenant colonel, and Capt. Edward Greer of Charleston, W. Va., and Washington, D. C, now on duty with the Office of the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Department of the Army, to major. COULD SHUT OFF DEBATE LIBERAL SENATORS didn't take kindly to the story of an alleged deal between them and Dixiecrats on the Kennedy-Ives Labor Bill. Drew Pearson, a Washington columnist, reported that the Dixiecrats had voted for the labor bill on a promise from Northern liberals that they would not press for a change in Senate Rule 22. Rule 22 permits the Dixiecrats to filibuster or threaten to filibuster against civil rights and other legislation they don't like. Senator John F. Kennedy, of Massachusetts, a Democratic Presidential hopeful, was angry about the story, and so told a Pearson leg man. Kennedy was one of the handful of Senators, who, at the opening of the 83rd Congress in January, 1953, voted for the motion of Senator Clinton P. Anderson, Democrat, of New Mexico, that the Senate proceed to adopt new rules. The theory behind the Anderson motion was that the Senate is a continuing body and has the right, at the beginning of each new Congress, to adopt new rules. Only 14 Senators voted for it. If the Anderson motion had prevailed, the Senate could have shut off debate and adopted an antifilibustering rule by a majority vote of Senators present. Rule 22 requires a vote of twothirds of the entire Senate membership, or 64 Senators, to limit debate and leaves any resolution to change the rules subject to unlimited debate. But hanging over the head of the Dixiecrats is a ruling by Vice President Richard Nixon that any rule which perpetually fastens rules onto the Senate is unconstitutional. To rebut the Peason story, informed sources pointed out that the Southerners repeatedly voted against Kennedy and even Senator John L. McClellan, of Arkansas, chairman of the Labor Rackets investigating committee, had to be coaxed before he would come out for the bill—and even after the sponsors thought they had McClellan in line he voted with them only about half the time. They also pointed out that Senator Charles E. Potter, Republican, of Michigan, had an amendment which would have allowed union members to file petitions with the Secretary of Labor requesting that membership dues or fees shall be spent exclusively for collectivebargaining purposes, and allowing civil suit for recovery if otherwise spent. This, they said, would have banned labor union contributions to the NAACP and would have allowed union members to bring suits to recover as little as one mill. Staunch Dixiecrats like Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina also offered amendments to which the sponsors were opposed. Putting together the pieces which went into the Pearson "deal" story, this column came up with the answer that its source was a union lobbyist on Capitol Hill. An informed source said one of Pearson's leg men told him he had got the story of the alleged deal from the president of a union, who had got it from a lobbyist. Obviously trying to impress his boss, the union president, that he war earning his pay and expense account, the lobbyist told the union president that a big deal was brewing, whereby the Dixiecrats would go along with the Kennedy-Ives bill and Northern liberals would do nothing about the filibuster rule. The union president told the story to Pearson. Pearson wrote it. Even as good a friend of Pearson as Senator Wayne Morse, Democrat, of Oregon, said Pearson was "misinformed." "I yield to no one in the Senate on insistence on modification of Rule 22," Morse said. "I am willing to join at any time in whatever debate is necessary to get Rule 22 modified. I will support any proposal to strengthen it." Senator Jacob K. Javits, Republican, of New York, who fought to get a resolution to change Rule 22 out of the Rules Committee, said he had used the Little Rock decision as a jumping off point to indicate that the ruling only increased the need changing Rule 22 and enactment of civil rights legislation to give Attorney General authority to enjoin threatened violations of constitutional rights. "If a deal was made," Javits said, "nobody consulted me." The ex-professor, Senator Paul H. Douglas, Democrat, of Illinois, said he did not believe the Pearson story was true. "I certainly know nothing about it." Douglas said. "I am going to push for curbing the filibuster and a revision of Rule 22. I am confident that the overwhelming proportion of northern liberal Democrats are not trading anything away." Representative Barratt O'Hara, Democrat, of Illinois, said it: "Real estate values have dropped in Northern Virginia because of the threat to close public schools if they are integrated. Purchasers can get only two-thirds of what they paid." William J. Shaw, Atlanta accountant and business man, and Dr. George Flemming of Fort Worth, Tex., former national president of the Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, were guests at the luncheon given by President Eisenhower Tuesday for Prince Mohammed Daud, Premier of Afghanistan. A Baltimorean, Capt. Paul E. Waters, Engineer Corps, has been assigned to the Columbus (Ohio) Engineer Maintenance Center. He recently completed a tour of duty in Korea with the Korean Military Advisory Group. Major Robert L. Sweeney of Englewood, N. J., has been promoted to lieutenant colonel, and Capt. Edward Greer of Charleston, W. Va., and Washington, D. C, now on duty with the Office of the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Department of the Army, to major. LOBBYIST SOURCE LIBERAL SENATORS didn't take kindly to the story of an alleged deal between them and Dixiecrats on the Kennedy-Ives Labor Bill. Drew Pearson, a Washington columnist, reported that the Dixiecrats had voted for the labor bill on a promise from Northern liberals that they would not press for a change in Senate Rule 22. Rule 22 permits the Dixiecrats to filibuster or threaten to filibuster against civil rights and other legislation they don't like. Senator John F. Kennedy, of Massachusetts, a Democratic Presidential hopeful, was angry about the story, and so told a Pearson leg man. Kennedy was one of the handful of Senators, who, at the opening of the 83rd Congress in January, 1953, voted for the motion of Senator Clinton P. Anderson, Democrat, of New Mexico, that the Senate proceed to adopt new rules. The theory behind the Anderson motion was that the Senate is a continuing body and has the right, at the beginning of each new Congress, to adopt new rules. Only 14 Senators voted for it. If the Anderson motion had prevailed, the Senate could have shut off debate and adopted an antifilibustering rule by a majority vote of Senators present. Rule 22 requires a vote of twothirds of the entire Senate membership, or 64 Senators, to limit debate and leaves any resolution to change the rules subject to unlimited debate. But hanging over the head of the Dixiecrats is a ruling by Vice President Richard Nixon that any rule which perpetually fastens rules onto the Senate is unconstitutional. To rebut the Peason story, informed sources pointed out that the Southerners repeatedly voted against Kennedy and even Senator John L. McClellan, of Arkansas, chairman of the Labor Rackets investigating committee, had to be coaxed before he would come out for the bill—and even after the sponsors thought they had McClellan in line he voted with them only about half the time. They also pointed out that Senator Charles E. Potter, Republican, of Michigan, had an amendment which would have allowed union members to file petitions with the Secretary of Labor requesting that membership dues or fees shall be spent exclusively for collectivebargaining purposes, and allowing civil suit for recovery if otherwise spent. This, they said, would have banned labor union contributions to the NAACP and would have allowed union members to bring suits to recover as little as one mill. Staunch Dixiecrats like Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina also offered amendments to which the sponsors were opposed. Putting together the pieces which went into the Pearson "deal" story, this column came up with the answer that its source was a union lobbyist on Capitol Hill. An informed source said one of Pearson's leg men told him he had got the story of the alleged deal from the president of a union, who had got it from a lobbyist. Obviously trying to impress his boss, the union president, that he war earning his pay and expense account, the lobbyist told the union president that a big deal was brewing, whereby the Dixiecrats would go along with the Kennedy-Ives bill and Northern liberals would do nothing about the filibuster rule. The union president told the story to Pearson. Pearson wrote it. Even as good a friend of Pearson as Senator Wayne Morse, Democrat, of Oregon, said Pearson was "misinformed." "I yield to no one in the Senate on insistence on modification of Rule 22," Morse said. "I am willing to join at any time in whatever debate is necessary to get Rule 22 modified. I will support any proposal to strengthen it." Senator Jacob K. Javits, Republican, of New York, who fought to get a resolution to change Rule 22 out of the Rules Committee, said he had used the Little Rock decision as a jumping off point to indicate that the ruling only increased the need changing Rule 22 and enactment of civil rights legislation to give Attorney General authority to enjoin threatened violations of constitutional rights. "If a deal was made," Javits said, "nobody consulted me." The ex-professor, Senator Paul H. Douglas, Democrat, of Illinois, said he did not believe the Pearson story was true. "I certainly know nothing about it." Douglas said. "I am going to push for curbing the filibuster and a revision of Rule 22. I am confident that the overwhelming proportion of northern liberal Democrats are not trading anything away." Representative Barratt O'Hara, Democrat, of Illinois, said it: "Real estate values have dropped in Northern Virginia because of the threat to close public schools if they are integrated. Purchasers can get only two-thirds of what they paid." William J. Shaw, Atlanta accountant and business man, and Dr. George Flemming of Fort Worth, Tex., former national president of the Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, were guests at the luncheon given by President Eisenhower Tuesday for Prince Mohammed Daud, Premier of Afghanistan. A Baltimorean, Capt. Paul E. Waters, Engineer Corps, has been assigned to the Columbus (Ohio) Engineer Maintenance Center. He recently completed a tour of duty in Korea with the Korean Military Advisory Group. Major Robert L. Sweeney of Englewood, N. J., has been promoted to lieutenant colonel, and Capt. Edward Greer of Charleston, W. Va., and Washington, D. C, now on duty with the Office of the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Department of the Army, to major. D. C. CHATTER LIBERAL SENATORS didn't take kindly to the story of an alleged deal between them and Dixiecrats on the Kennedy-Ives Labor Bill. Drew Pearson, a Washington columnist, reported that the Dixiecrats had voted for the labor bill on a promise from Northern liberals that they would not press for a change in Senate Rule 22. Rule 22 permits the Dixiecrats to filibuster or threaten to filibuster against civil rights and other legislation they don't like. Senator John F. Kennedy, of Massachusetts, a Democratic Presidential hopeful, was angry about the story, and so told a Pearson leg man. Kennedy was one of the handful of Senators, who, at the opening of the 83rd Congress in January, 1953, voted for the motion of Senator Clinton P. Anderson, Democrat, of New Mexico, that the Senate proceed to adopt new rules. The theory behind the Anderson motion was that the Senate is a continuing body and has the right, at the beginning of each new Congress, to adopt new rules. Only 14 Senators voted for it. If the Anderson motion had prevailed, the Senate could have shut off debate and adopted an antifilibustering rule by a majority vote of Senators present. Rule 22 requires a vote of twothirds of the entire Senate membership, or 64 Senators, to limit debate and leaves any resolution to change the rules subject to unlimited debate. But hanging over the head of the Dixiecrats is a ruling by Vice President Richard Nixon that any rule which perpetually fastens rules onto the Senate is unconstitutional. To rebut the Peason story, informed sources pointed out that the Southerners repeatedly voted against Kennedy and even Senator John L. McClellan, of Arkansas, chairman of the Labor Rackets investigating committee, had to be coaxed before he would come out for the bill—and even after the sponsors thought they had McClellan in line he voted with them only about half the time. They also pointed out that Senator Charles E. Potter, Republican, of Michigan, had an amendment which would have allowed union members to file petitions with the Secretary of Labor requesting that membership dues or fees shall be spent exclusively for collectivebargaining purposes, and allowing civil suit for recovery if otherwise spent. This, they said, would have banned labor union contributions to the NAACP and would have allowed union members to bring suits to recover as little as one mill. Staunch Dixiecrats like Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi and Strom Thurmond of South Carolina also offered amendments to which the sponsors were opposed. Putting together the pieces which went into the Pearson "deal" story, this column came up with the answer that its source was a union lobbyist on Capitol Hill. An informed source said one of Pearson's leg men told him he had got the story of the alleged deal from the president of a union, who had got it from a lobbyist. Obviously trying to impress his boss, the union president, that he war earning his pay and expense account, the lobbyist told the union president that a big deal was brewing, whereby the Dixiecrats would go along with the Kennedy-Ives bill and Northern liberals would do nothing about the filibuster rule. The union president told the story to Pearson. Pearson wrote it. Even as good a friend of Pearson as Senator Wayne Morse, Democrat, of Oregon, said Pearson was "misinformed." "I yield to no one in the Senate on insistence on modification of Rule 22," Morse said. "I am willing to join at any time in whatever debate is necessary to get Rule 22 modified. I will support any proposal to strengthen it." Senator Jacob K. Javits, Republican, of New York, who fought to get a resolution to change Rule 22 out of the Rules Committee, said he had used the Little Rock decision as a jumping off point to indicate that the ruling only increased the need changing Rule 22 and enactment of civil rights legislation to give Attorney General authority to enjoin threatened violations of constitutional rights. "If a deal was made," Javits said, "nobody consulted me." The ex-professor, Senator Paul H. Douglas, Democrat, of Illinois, said he did not believe the Pearson story was true. "I certainly know nothing about it." Douglas said. "I am going to push for curbing the filibuster and a revision of Rule 22. I am confident that the overwhelming proportion of northern liberal Democrats are not trading anything away." Representative Barratt O'Hara, Democrat, of Illinois, said it: "Real estate values have dropped in Northern Virginia because of the threat to close public schools if they are integrated. Purchasers can get only two-thirds of what they paid." William J. Shaw, Atlanta accountant and business man, and Dr. George Flemming of Fort Worth, Tex., former national president of the Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, were guests at the luncheon given by President Eisenhower Tuesday for Prince Mohammed Daud, Premier of Afghanistan. A Baltimorean, Capt. Paul E. Waters, Engineer Corps, has been assigned to the Columbus (Ohio) Engineer Maintenance Center. He recently completed a tour of duty in Korea with the Korean Military Advisory Group. Major Robert L. Sweeney of Englewood, N. J., has been promoted to lieutenant colonel, and Capt. Edward Greer of Charleston, W. Va., and Washington, D. C, now on duty with the Office of the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Department of the Army, to major. PERMIT WOMEN TO VOTE Riehen Thursday became the first Swiss community to grant women the right to vote in communal affairs. A proposal for women's suffrage was passed 75 to 100. The men in Bettingen, a smaller community nearly voted down a similar proposal, 17 to 10. Moroccans say Tunis meeting is step toward union. INVITATION TO SUICIDE U.S. ARMS RUSSIAN ARMS Wa King LETTERS TO THE EDITOR To the Editor: Citizens of any country are responsible for the protection and support of the government under which they live. One's loyalty to his government is expressed by his abiding by its laws, paying taxes for the expense of its operation, answering the call to arms, to protect its peace and form of government, and by the same token he has the right to enjoy and be the recipient of its prosperity and access to positions of honor without partiality. His loyalty to his government demands such recognition and consideration. This is democracy, but to refuse these rights to any of its citizens who can qualify, is plutocracy, pure and simple, it is unjust. This condition is manifested in America and especially in the South where certain groups hold all of the honorable and lucrative positions, enjoying all of the benefits of the taxpayers' money; and we as a race group don't seem to be aroused by this flagrant partiality. We hurry and cheerfully cast our votes for the other group, who in the majority of cases, are openly fighting to keep us in the background as "hewers of wood and drawers of water." I wonder how long will we sleep over this important matter? A mail is dumb indeed who can sleep when a storm is raging or when his house is on fire and he knows it. We have plenty of qualified Negroes who could fill these offices with dignity if they were only given the chance. May I plead with us to use our votes for some worthy and qualified Negroes for some of these honorable positions, in the local, state, and national areas, and not allow prejudice, selfishness and the crab nature forever keep us from our God-given constitutional rights; for it has been truthfully said, that "if we hang apart, eventually we will all hang together" and if we stay down in the ditch there will be none to pull us out. So, let us resolve that whatever the cost we will be willing to pay it, for it will surely cost us something to get what we want. All of us will not be able to go up at once, but let us put someone of us up so he will be able to pull us out of the ditch. Remember all of us haven't a bank account but it is fine to know that your neighbor has one, so when you get in a tight place you can make a borrow of him. All of us haven't an automobile but it is a fine thing to know that your neighbor has one, so when you want to get some place in a hurry, his service will be available. Let us ever remember that wishful thinking alone never gets anybody any place. Whatever we want we have to put forth an effort to obtain it. God helps only those who make some effort to help themselves. There is no royal path to wealth, honor or glory. God gave the Israelites the land that He promised to Abraham and his descendants, but they had to fight like Trojans to possess it. So make up your minds to fight with your votes and with your money to obtain our citizen rights, this is our only hope. Rev. W. H. Smith, D.D. 3364 31st Place, North Minister Discusses His Idea Of Democracy To the Editor: Citizens of any country are responsible for the protection and support of the government under which they live. One's loyalty to his government is expressed by his abiding by its laws, paying taxes for the expense of its operation, answering the call to arms, to protect its peace and form of government, and by the same token he has the right to enjoy and be the recipient of its prosperity and access to positions of honor without partiality. His loyalty to his government demands such recognition and consideration. This is democracy, but to refuse these rights to any of its citizens who can qualify, is plutocracy, pure and simple, it is unjust. This condition is manifested in America and especially in the South where certain groups hold all of the honorable and lucrative positions, enjoying all of the benefits of the taxpayers' money; and we as a race group don't seem to be aroused by this flagrant partiality. We hurry and cheerfully cast our votes for the other group, who in the majority of cases, are openly fighting to keep us in the background as "hewers of wood and drawers of water." I wonder how long will we sleep over this important matter? A mail is dumb indeed who can sleep when a storm is raging or when his house is on fire and he knows it. We have plenty of qualified Negroes who could fill these offices with dignity if they were only given the chance. May I plead with us to use our votes for some worthy and qualified Negroes for some of these honorable positions, in the local, state, and national areas, and not allow prejudice, selfishness and the crab nature forever keep us from our God-given constitutional rights; for it has been truthfully said, that "if we hang apart, eventually we will all hang together" and if we stay down in the ditch there will be none to pull us out. So, let us resolve that whatever the cost we will be willing to pay it, for it will surely cost us something to get what we want. All of us will not be able to go up at once, but let us put someone of us up so he will be able to pull us out of the ditch. Remember all of us haven't a bank account but it is fine to know that your neighbor has one, so when you get in a tight place you can make a borrow of him. All of us haven't an automobile but it is a fine thing to know that your neighbor has one, so when you want to get some place in a hurry, his service will be available. Let us ever remember that wishful thinking alone never gets anybody any place. Whatever we want we have to put forth an effort to obtain it. God helps only those who make some effort to help themselves. There is no royal path to wealth, honor or glory. God gave the Israelites the land that He promised to Abraham and his descendants, but they had to fight like Trojans to possess it. So make up your minds to fight with your votes and with your money to obtain our citizen rights, this is our only hope. Rev. W. H. Smith, D.D. 3364 31st Place, North MEMPHIS WORLD Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition FURNITURE FOR SALE Seven-piece Dinette Suite, Roll-A -Way Bed, Studio Couch and other miscellaneous furniture, reasonable. Phone GL 2-6462. FEMALE HELP WANTED WOMEN SEW Easy Ready-cut wrap a-round Aprons home. Earn $26.16 Dozen — Spare Time Write: Accurate MFGR'S. Freeport, N. Y. SCHOOLS MEMPHIS' FIRST DONNA LYNN SCHOOL OF CHARM Courses Offered In Charm, Beauty, Voice Development,. Fine Arts For Women and Teenagers JA. 3-1578 — Night & Day SATURDAY EMPLOYMENT Negro men for collecting and selling on route. Salary. Must have car, Kay Mercantile Co., 776 Poplar. FOR RENT FURNISHED Rooms for single man, woman or couple. Kitchen Privileges Phone JA. 6-1746. BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES MEN WITH VISION Written up in FORTUNE, BUSINESS WEEK, and OPPORTUNITY magazines. Own your own depression - proof business in a booming service industry. Make $12,000 your first year, build equity to $25,000 in 5 years. We train you.... We start you off with orders to more than cover your small investment. We supply volume of leads that assure your growth. National Advertising. Will help finance. Earn $4 per hour while learning, Even part-time. Write Dept. B. O. care of Memphis World, 546 Beale St., Memphis, Tenn. PRINTING If you want to enter the Printing Business, yon can share my Machine. Call JA. 7-6246 JAMES KEENE'S powerful new novel JUSTICE, MY BROTHER! © Copyright 1957, by James Keene; reprinted by permission of the novel's publisher, House Inc.: distributed by King Features Syndicate. BILL HAGEMAN frowned. "We have got laws. Cord. Let's send to Oklahoma City for a U. S. Marshal and let him investigate the rustling in a proper way." Cord's head came around quickly and he stared at Bill Hageman. "You tool, do you want to lose what little we now have? How much do you own legally? The two sections you and Julie drew? The rest you got the same way I did, squeezing the farmers when they couldn't take any more." He blew out his breath and rolled a cigarette. "A marshal is the last thing we want around here. Bill. He'd do more than investigate. He'd file a report with the land office in Oklahoma City and we'd lose everything. End up with a grubby potato paten without enough water to grow anything." He wiped his hand across his mouth. "In another five years it won't matter; we'll be entrenched too solid to move out. But now we're hanging on by our fingers. Ain't you got sense enough to see that?" "Yes, I see it," Bill said. "But I could go back to two sections. I could if I had to. The land don't mean that much to me. Cord." "Well, it means something to me." Cord told him quick enough. "I'm not going to spend the rest of my life raising blooded bulls on four hundred acres or running dairy cattle. It took me nearly ten years to build the first time and then I lost it. It's not going to take me ten years to build again." "There's no quick way," Bill Hageman said. "I'd like one, as much as you would, but there isn't any way. Let's send for the marshal, Cord, and take our chances that tie won't notice the shaky deeds we hold." "No! I'd rather handle it alone first. You want to help, fine. If you don't, then it's all the same to me." "You mean, hang the man if you catch him?" "As high as I can throw my rope." Cord promised. Bill didn't like this talk. Neither did I. He looked at me, and then at Cord. Finally he put his glance on me again. "Where do you stand in this, Smoke?" Cord answered for me. "He stands with the O'Dares. Just where he's always stood." Bill Hageman sighed and shook his head. He was through arguing; we all knew it. "Sorry you feel that way about this. Cord. Of course, I'll have to be against you should you try to shove anything resembling private law down anyone's throat." "You suit yourself," Cord said. "You've always cottoned to Vince Randolf and the others." "They're free men," Bill said, "and they have rights. I wouldn't stand by and watch them lose any of them, Cord." "That's putting it plain enough," Cord said, standing up. The visiting was over. I moved back, stepping off the porch so I could help Julie mount her horse, but like always. Cord was ahead of me. So I stood, there and watched him do what I wanted to do, and I watched Julie's face. She wasn't much different from the other women I'd seen around Cord. She disliked him for the things he believed, yet she felt a strong compulsion toward him, as though he had a magnetism that pushed aside all else, leaving only the core of his manhood as an attraction. Julie smiled when he held her stirrup and blushed a little when he put a hand on her thigh to steady her up. Bill was mounted and impatient to leave. Julie held that smile as she turned to join him, and a short distance from the house she pivoted in the saddle to wave, not at me, but at Cord, who still stood there like be knew what was coming and was waiting for it to happen. He finally came back to the porch. His glance touched mine and I think it would have been better if he had said, "I told you so," or anything to clear the air. Only he was never the kind to rub something in, although I knew now that I'd be owing him a dollar come Thursday because Julie would let him take her home from the Grangers dance. At a time like that, a fellow can hate pretty easy, and Julie Hageman was high on the list, for I felt betrayed, used, and pretty worthless, made so by a woman who could be as fickle as she was pretty. I couldn't hate Cord, not because I owed him so much, but because he couldn't help being irresistible to women. Behind that handsomeness lay a threat of brutality, a sense of power now restrained, a danger disguised; all this had an effect on women and I'd seen some fairly level-headed ones make fools of themselves because of what they saw in Cord, or thought they saw. Luther came out on the porch and Cord looked sharply at him. "Where were you?" "In the house. I heard it all." "Then the next time, show yourself," Cord said. Luther made as if to walk past Cord and was taken by the arm and jerked around for his trouble. "Listen to me! I'm telling you something!" "Hell, I hear you." Luther snapped and jerked away. He stalked across the yard to the barn and I followed him a moment later. He was in the tack shed, going over his saddle. "What are you so mad about?" I asked. "Leave, me alone. Smoke." "Hell, I just asked." "And I just told you!" He threw the saddle aside and stood up. "Damn it, one O'Dare telling me what to do is enough. Don't you start too." "If you don't like what's going on," I suggested, "then open your mouth. You don't have any trouble telling me about it." "I noticed that you went along with what Cord said. Don't preach to me about what I do." "You don't have to take out your grouch on me," I said. "Then don't ride me! Damn, you'd think after a man was married he'd come into some rights around here." He pawed his mouth out of shape and looked around as though he were looking for something to smash. "If I had twenty dollars of my own, I'd take Edna and ride out and never come back." Since I'd heard him say that before, I didn't take it too seriously. "I got twenty I'll loan you," I said, meaning it as a joke. Only Luther sure didn't take it that way. Before I knew what had happened he'd balled his fist, popped me on the jaw and the next thing I knew I was sitting on the dirt floor and looking at him through a shower of bright lights and hearing some far-off bells ringing. I knew by his expression that he was sorry he had done that, but like most things begun in anger, this got out of hand in a hurry. I got to my feet a little quicker than he thought I could and drove a stiff one into his stomach. He went back against the cobbler's bench and I laced him across the mouth, drawing blood. When he came erect I was waiting and for a minute we locked together, sawing back and forth, bumping into things, knocking them every which way. This must have set up quite a racket because it brought Cord and Ma from the house on the run. The next thing I knew, the shed door banged open and Cord had us each by the Collar and was knocking our heads together.... CHAPTER 14 © Copyright 1957, by James Keene; reprinted by permission of the novel's publisher, House Inc.: distributed by King Features Syndicate. BILL HAGEMAN frowned. "We have got laws. Cord. Let's send to Oklahoma City for a U. S. Marshal and let him investigate the rustling in a proper way." Cord's head came around quickly and he stared at Bill Hageman. "You tool, do you want to lose what little we now have? How much do you own legally? The two sections you and Julie drew? The rest you got the same way I did, squeezing the farmers when they couldn't take any more." He blew out his breath and rolled a cigarette. "A marshal is the last thing we want around here. Bill. He'd do more than investigate. He'd file a report with the land office in Oklahoma City and we'd lose everything. End up with a grubby potato paten without enough water to grow anything." He wiped his hand across his mouth. "In another five years it won't matter; we'll be entrenched too solid to move out. But now we're hanging on by our fingers. Ain't you got sense enough to see that?" "Yes, I see it," Bill said. "But I could go back to two sections. I could if I had to. The land don't mean that much to me. Cord." "Well, it means something to me." Cord told him quick enough. "I'm not going to spend the rest of my life raising blooded bulls on four hundred acres or running dairy cattle. It took me nearly ten years to build the first time and then I lost it. It's not going to take me ten years to build again." "There's no quick way," Bill Hageman said. "I'd like one, as much as you would, but there isn't any way. Let's send for the marshal, Cord, and take our chances that tie won't notice the shaky deeds we hold." "No! I'd rather handle it alone first. You want to help, fine. If you don't, then it's all the same to me." "You mean, hang the man if you catch him?" "As high as I can throw my rope." Cord promised. Bill didn't like this talk. Neither did I. He looked at me, and then at Cord. Finally he put his glance on me again. "Where do you stand in this, Smoke?" Cord answered for me. "He stands with the O'Dares. Just where he's always stood." Bill Hageman sighed and shook his head. He was through arguing; we all knew it. "Sorry you feel that way about this. Cord. Of course, I'll have to be against you should you try to shove anything resembling private law down anyone's throat." "You suit yourself," Cord said. "You've always cottoned to Vince Randolf and the others." "They're free men," Bill said, "and they have rights. I wouldn't stand by and watch them lose any of them, Cord." "That's putting it plain enough," Cord said, standing up. The visiting was over. I moved back, stepping off the porch so I could help Julie mount her horse, but like always. Cord was ahead of me. So I stood, there and watched him do what I wanted to do, and I watched Julie's face. She wasn't much different from the other women I'd seen around Cord. She disliked him for the things he believed, yet she felt a strong compulsion toward him, as though he had a magnetism that pushed aside all else, leaving only the core of his manhood as an attraction. Julie smiled when he held her stirrup and blushed a little when he put a hand on her thigh to steady her up. Bill was mounted and impatient to leave. Julie held that smile as she turned to join him, and a short distance from the house she pivoted in the saddle to wave, not at me, but at Cord, who still stood there like be knew what was coming and was waiting for it to happen. He finally came back to the porch. His glance touched mine and I think it would have been better if he had said, "I told you so," or anything to clear the air. Only he was never the kind to rub something in, although I knew now that I'd be owing him a dollar come Thursday because Julie would let him take her home from the Grangers dance. At a time like that, a fellow can hate pretty easy, and Julie Hageman was high on the list, for I felt betrayed, used, and pretty worthless, made so by a woman who could be as fickle as she was pretty. I couldn't hate Cord, not because I owed him so much, but because he couldn't help being irresistible to women. Behind that handsomeness lay a threat of brutality, a sense of power now restrained, a danger disguised; all this had an effect on women and I'd seen some fairly level-headed ones make fools of themselves because of what they saw in Cord, or thought they saw. Luther came out on the porch and Cord looked sharply at him. "Where were you?" "In the house. I heard it all." "Then the next time, show yourself," Cord said. Luther made as if to walk past Cord and was taken by the arm and jerked around for his trouble. "Listen to me! I'm telling you something!" "Hell, I hear you." Luther snapped and jerked away. He stalked across the yard to the barn and I followed him a moment later. He was in the tack shed, going over his saddle. "What are you so mad about?" I asked. "Leave, me alone. Smoke." "Hell, I just asked." "And I just told you!" He threw the saddle aside and stood up. "Damn it, one O'Dare telling me what to do is enough. Don't you start too." "If you don't like what's going on," I suggested, "then open your mouth. You don't have any trouble telling me about it." "I noticed that you went along with what Cord said. Don't preach to me about what I do." "You don't have to take out your grouch on me," I said. "Then don't ride me! Damn, you'd think after a man was married he'd come into some rights around here." He pawed his mouth out of shape and looked around as though he were looking for something to smash. "If I had twenty dollars of my own, I'd take Edna and ride out and never come back." Since I'd heard him say that before, I didn't take it too seriously. "I got twenty I'll loan you," I said, meaning it as a joke. Only Luther sure didn't take it that way. Before I knew what had happened he'd balled his fist, popped me on the jaw and the next thing I knew I was sitting on the dirt floor and looking at him through a shower of bright lights and hearing some far-off bells ringing. I knew by his expression that he was sorry he had done that, but like most things begun in anger, this got out of hand in a hurry. I got to my feet a little quicker than he thought I could and drove a stiff one into his stomach. He went back against the cobbler's bench and I laced him across the mouth, drawing blood. When he came erect I was waiting and for a minute we locked together, sawing back and forth, bumping into things, knocking them every which way. This must have set up quite a racket because it brought Cord and Ma from the house on the run. The next thing I knew, the shed door banged open and Cord had us each by the Collar and was knocking our heads together.... MY WEEKLY SERMON By REV. BLAIR T. HUNT PASTOR MISSISSIPPI BLVD. CHRISTIAN CHURCH The summer is upon us. Most of us at this time of the year are looking forward to a vacation... a period of rest. We need a vacation that we may rest. One of the ministries of summer is "Come Ye Apart, And Rest A While." Jesus the Christ knew his disciples needed a vacation. When he walked the earth in flesh he said "come ye yourselves apart... and rest a while." Jesus' disciples had flung themselves heart and soul in their work, they had truly earned a vacation. There are employers who never awake to the fact that employees need rest, a vacation. There are husbands who never seem to notice that their wives would be better for a vacation, a rest from the pots, pans, skillets and myriad household duties. Jesus saw that his disciples were exhausted, tired out. Jesus' disciples had richly earned a vacation and with Jesus everything must stop till they had it. Whole hearted work deserves a whole hearted vacation. The rest to which the disciples were invited was a rest in the fellowship of nature. "Come ye apart into a desert place" was not an invitation to a place like the desert Sahara, not to a rocky barren place. It was a desert because it was deserted of the teeming crowds of people. No doubt it was a place of beauty, and the sunshine of heaven slept upon hills around them. And over head were the fleecy clouds, and far off there was the shimmer of the seas. AH around they could see God's foot prints. It may not be ours to travel far from home but what about that back-yard of yours, there too one may fellowship with nature, nature which is but a manifestation of God... foot prints of God. The rest to which Jesus invited his disciples was a rest in which Jesus shared. Jesus did not say "go ye apart." When the disciples had their vacation, Jesus was their vacation companion. None thought that he would spoil their vacation. There are people whose one aim upon a vacation is to leave Christ behind. They never leave their fishing rods, check board, balls, bats and card tables at home but they often leave their religion and Jesus at home. Take Jesus with you when you go on a vacation. Then you'll have the happiest vacation of your life. Your vacation with Jesus as your companion will fit you for further and better service. The invitation did not read "come ye apart and rest for ever;" it read, "come ye apart and rest a while." God grant to all of us a time of rest that will make us better when September comes. Rest is a great gift. Said Jesus in Matt. 11:28, "I will give you rest." Weary in brain, weary in body and weary in heart, what a blessing to get away from the strain and worry, if only for a short season. The rest to which Jesus calls us gives strength for life's burdens. It gives quiet in the heart of the storm and peace in a tired life. It brings us into constant fellowship with that heart that was meek and lowly, and there is true rest. Come unto me and I will give you rest. LUCKY 13TH Friday the thirteenth was a lucky day for Ed Thrash and his wife, Dorothy, of Hot Springs, Ark. They were tapped as the ten-millionth and tenmillionth plus one visitors to the Brussels World's Fair. "The ten millionth visitor must have been my wife, she has always been lucky,' Thrash said. It was the couples first visit to the fair in a three-month stay in Europe. The Thrashes got a free day at the exposition, including a car to use where only official cars are allowed to circulate and lunch at the Czechoslovak Pavilion. ISRAEL TO GET JETS (France will supply the Israel Air Force with Vautour (Vulture) jet bombers, according to an announcement made by an Israeli Defense Ministry spokesman. RETURNS FROM CRUISE Don Juan, pretender to the Spanish throne, returned here Tuesday aboard his yacht Saltillo at the end of a trans-Atlantic sailing cruise. He visted New York, the Burmudas, Puerto Rico and other islands in the West Indies.