Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1958-11-29 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICAN'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE — Ph. JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES Managing Editor SMITH FLEMING Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00 — 6 Months $3.00 — 3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. A Question Of Application While the Alabama school placement law was decided purely upon the merits of consistent placement, with no reference whatever to race, the court nevertheless sensed its import, although its designers carefully disguised what they really meant. Accordingly, the court accepted the case and sent down a decision upholding the three judge court—with a stinging proviso. It must be observed that the district court from whence the case came, rested its decision upon "limited grounds." So what was in some quarters hailed as a victory for segregation amounts to no more than what is already law in New York and Chicago and possibly other places, with no thought of segregation and where the schools are integrated. When things like these come, lest our people be preyed upon by those same wilful designers who offer racism in exchange for political careers, we cite this for the record. Governor-elect Vandiver of Georgia, himself an arch segregationist assigns the ruling "small comfort to the state." The most jubilant were among those who made the people believe that they had a plan; that they still have an ace in the hole. So, despite the long prayer to the Alabama general assembly, which held out other citations than race and those circumventive ramifications that have fallen by the way to the stroke of the interpretation of the federal law, Alabama finds herself where she started. The court sensed this, and in addition to sending down the affirmation, made itself more voluble in a terse warning, which was in effect out of the way. That warning plainly stated that if and when such a law was used for furthering the cause of segregation, it would be unconstitutional. The court's indication that its ruling depended upon use to be made of the law, would afford no honest person a loophole through which to jump that an unsuspecting electorate would further be deceived. So, if and when such a law is used to discriminate against any qualified pupils of any race "it is possible that it may be declared unconstitutional." The whole thing now resolves around the oft repeated question: whether local authorities and those well meaning people are willing to accept this question and decide it in accordance with the law. Atlanta Ministers Issue Another Manifesto When in the course of human events there come those complications of confusion, angry controversies and innate convulsions insisting upon a way that is no longer a way, those those persons of tolerance and having the armor of faith founded upon the gospel, have always found enviable opportunities. Certainly friends of a government of laws would deplore the serious situation in which history regretably is handingdown to our posterity accounts of school closings because certain politicians desire to sacrifice the "first and greatest Commandment." So comes the opportunity of Christian Atlanta, represented in a manifesto signed and so declared by 312 white ministers, who on a second occasion, offer a manifesto, in conformance of their faith and good offices as counselors for the people they seek to serve. In substance, this second manifesto is an echo of the one issued over a year ago by some 80 ministers, who felt called upon to come forth with some positive utterance in defense of a government by laws, not men. Courage was shown, in the first place, in that the ministers acted upon their own initiative, representing their personal convictions and not attempting to be a voice for their members. The manifesto made strong appeals, to the churches, community and state leaders to give their "most creative thought to maintaining a sound public school plan." There was also a wholesome suggestion that a citizens' interracial commission be appointed to preserve "the harmony of our community." The statement gets at the bottom of the question by suggesting the quality of those whose duty it will be to guard the peace. Upon the premises of the appointment of such a commission by the state administration, it is the belief of the ministers that this would be a stroke in the direction of preserving the peace and harmony of the community. The greatest burden of the whole effort was for the preservation of the public schools. It is further observed that there are "some areas where school integration would be possible without insurmountable difficulty, while admitting that it would cause needless hardship and grave danger elsewhere." The frankness and positive ring in the contention, would be the concern expressed in the interest of the public school, calling such a mass closing "a tragedy of the first magnitude." There is no desire on the part of the signers of the manifesto for mass mixing of the schools; we ourselves have made this contention all along. Rather there is a firm stand in a reaffirmation that each race should sustain its integrity on a basis of mutual esteem. Viewing conditions in other southern areas like Arkansas and Virginia, there is an expressed desire that such a situation should not occur here. As has been reportedly said, the manifesto suggests a coming together of the best minds and offices for the resolve of this question so needlessly claiming so much attention and causing a further widening of a breach that should never in the first place existed. The recent manifesto by the white ministers is a fine expression which will have a great impact on the community and state in general. If its suggestions are accepted and followed, the public schools can be saved to the satisfaction of both races. THE TEXT OF EQUAL OPPORTUNITY MESSAGE The text of the message from President Eisenhower, read by Secretary of Labor James, P. Mitchell at the League, held at the WaldorfAstoria Hotel here Tuesday night, in observance of Equal Opportunity Day follows; As Americans we believe that all men are created equal. Our national existence began with this belief and it is the foundation of our democracy. We must continue to build on this foundation, so that each citizen is tree to enjoy the fruits of his own individual effort apart from those which may accrue to his fellow citizens and community. We must continue to make this right of individual effort more fully and widely shared. We must continue to strengthen and enlarge the opportunities of our people to develop and utilize their God-given talents for their own sakes and for the common good. I shall continue to work with all the skill, patience and influence which I can command to advance these time-honored principles of American equality and justice. On this day, it is a privilege to send my personal congratulations to you and to every citizen across the and who is helping to ensure for our Nation and for the world the sacred traditions of justice, freedom, and equal opportunity for all men. Letter To The Editor Dear Editor: One driving over the Northwest area of Ft. Lauderdale begins to admire the beautiful homes and smooth streets, then all of a sudden he comes to the pavement end and the rocks and mud begin; this will continue for about two or three blocks, then he comes to a sudden rise and again he is on good solid pavement. Visitors to our city often wonder why this condition exists. There may be several reasons but the most outstanding is this. Many people who live in the east section of the city have no interest in the beauty or the comfort of this Northwest section, yet they purchase lots in our area purely for speculation and will not sign or agree to have the streets in front of their property paved because that means money going out when all they are interested in is money coming in. I say, there ought to be a law — these people usually live in an exclusive part of the city with paved streets, sewer system and bright lights, this they pay very dearly for, yet they balk at paying for a little street improvement in the Northwest area. If they were good citizens they would be interested in the city as a whole because that is the way it is judged. My advice to these people is to "get with it or get out." L. W. Mental Patients Teach Grandmother How To Dance Mental patients at the Tomah, Wis., Veterans Administration hospital have caught a 73-year-old grandmother how to dance. She is Mrs. Joseph Fischer, of LaCrosse, Wis., who began as a hospital volunteer 18 months ago "I got started when my neighbor suggested becoming a hospital volunteer," Mrs. Fischer said. "I had complained that I had nothing to do." Dancing is one of the forms of recreation that she and her LaCrosse group of volunteers engage in with patients at Tomah to help these mentally ill veteran's overcome their tendencies to withdraw from life and give them opportunity to learn to get along with other people in social activities again. She explained that the LaCrosse group visits the hospital on Thursdays and a two-hour dance is scheduled in the afternoons. "I was backwards about it at first when I started to dance," she said. "but some of the patients were good dancers and seemed happy to teach me. And I danced for the first tune in my life on my very first visit." Ruling On volved, four school teachers, who live in Dawson in Terrell County were rejected as voters on grounds they were unable to read and write correctly. In their motion to dismiss, three registrars and two deputies contended that the Civil Rights Act in unconstitutional and that the action was brought against the State of Georgia without its consent. The government argued in reply that the suit is not against the state but against county voting officials. It said the suit was brought to "enjoin their discriminatory acts in denial or abridgement of the right to vote, on the sole ground of race, to otherwise qualified persons." It said discrimination based on race violates the 18th amendment. "The standards which are a prerequisite to registration in Georgia are not here under attack," the government said, "but only the practices of certain state officials in administering those standards." Five Years Of N. C.—Total 831, Negro 47, Company recently hired a Negro as chemist. It also extended to Negroes employment in production as tenter frame operators, Besmar frame operators, extractor dryer operators, first class mechanics, and boil-off operators. Previously, Negro employment was confined almost exclusively to custodial and truck driving jobs. E. I. duPont deNemours and Company, Inc.. Savannah River Plant, Aiken, S. C.—Total 7.139, Negro 499. (Professional and technical 13, skilled 29, semi-skilled 272.) More than three-fifths of the Negro workers are employed above the unskilled level. Negro employment in professional and technical categories has increased. Miami Manhunt WILLIAM FULLER Published by special arrangement with Curtis Brown, Ltd. © 1958, King Features Syndicate, Inc. All rights reserved. "YOU DON'T frighten me; Ramez," I said. "But I don't mind nudging your memory. I suppose a man in your racket must have trouble keeping up with the names of those who have been expediently done in. Like Joan Morris." His poise was shattered. His mouth gaped. His eyes stared. "Joan Morris. Why, I saw her just—" I interrupted him. "You saw her just night before last. She was a member or your party at the Gulf Stream Room. I was with her last night. She was about to tell me something about a man named Jack Forbes I left her alone for something less than ten minutes. When I came back she was dead. Her throat had been cut. Your hoods were in the neighborhood. Haven't you had your report from your head goon on this operation? The fat man?" "Manuel? I Haven't had time to see him. I —" "I can't stand here and say flatly that you ordered her murder, Ramez. I suppose it's pussible that the fat man—Manuel— or one or his buddies took it upon himself to make the decision. All I know is, she's dead. She was murdered. And I didn't do it." He'd regained his poise. "I'm sorry that Joan Morris is dead. She was so young. So beautiful. I don't know who killed her but I have ways of finding out." He sipped his drink and eyed the over the rim of his glass. "And so the police are blaming you, eh, Dolan?" "Without the slightest doubt." "Perhaps we did you a favor by bringing you here. Dolan Hiding you from the police." "That remains to he seen." "I think we did. And I think the fact that we could turn you over to the police at any time should make you amenable to our wishes." "Just what do you want from me, Ramez?" "Information." "Such as?" I was pretty sure I knew what he wanted but I wanted to hear him say it. "Please, Dolan. We can save so much time and unpleasantness if we eliminate all subterfuge." "I'm getting a little sick of playing games, Ramez. I don't know what the devil you're talking about." He sighed. "You're a difficult man to deal with, Dolan," he said. "Perhaps, however, Maria failed to give you some of the details. We'll start at the beginning We'll take it step by step. You will see that my information is very nearly complete. You will be convinced then, I am sure, that it will be useless for you to hold out any longer. You will know, for instance, that I will stop at nothing to get the one answer that will make my information complete. You will convince Marta of this. Then you, or Marta, will tell me what I want to know I am even prepared, at this point, to be generous with you. "I will the information—although you must know. Dolan, that this is an unnecessary gesture on my part. But I am a civilized man. I do not want to see people hurt. I will pay you fifty thousand dollars for the information. Twentyfive thousand dollars apiece." I glanced at Marta. She stared at me, her eyes huge, her lips silently pleading with me. I didn't know what to do. I didn't know what to say. Ramez' patience was, I sensed, wearing thin. I'd stall him, somehow, as long as I could. If I could get some sort of a background I'd think of something. "You started to give me details." I said. He sighed. "Patience is one of my virtues. Dolan I learned that in politics, I'll show you my cards. I'll start at the beginning. I'll start with a girl named Joan Morris." He was watching me closely. "A girl who died, it would seem, because she knew too much." I tried to keep my face expressionless. It was hard. "Joan Morns was a friend of mine. Dolan, One of many such friends. I saw her occasionally. She introduced me to a friend of hers—a tramp pilot named Jack Forbes." Forbes again. The name had commenced to haunt me. "Jack Forbes was flying occasional charier flights for a small air service out of Miami. The job was part-time and poorly paid: Joan thought that I might help her friend in some way. It is necessary for me to occasionally charter an airplane. In deference to Joan I used the air service for which Forbes worked. I requested Forbes as pilot." He sipped his drink. "I came to know Jack Forbes. He was personable. He was an excellent pilot. He was dissatisfied with the job he had and anxious to make a change. He was ambitious." He cleared his throat. "For some time I had considered the fact that it would be of great political expedience to me to have a man I could trust—one who would report to me—flying as a pilot for CCA. Many of the missions flown by the pilots of CCA are a little... a little , shall we say. It must be remembered that this is a national airline, and as such is at the beck and call of the chief of state. Carrasco takes full advantage of this situation and uses it unscrupulously to consolidate his position. There are many special missions for Carrasco. Secret missions. Missions of political intrigue. These extraneous missions ordered by Carrasco were the one weak spot in my information service down there. All CCA pilots make, in line of duty, many trips to Miami. If I could have a man who would report to me from time to time on the nature of Carrasco's secret missions, I reasoned, it would be invaluable to me in the operation of my intelligence section. I'm sure you can see that, Dolan." I was beginning to see a little light. "There is—or there an official in the Coronadan Ministry of Air who remained loyal to me. Through his office we were able to place Jack Forbes as a pilot for CCA. For a number of months Forbes reported to me. He gave me invaluable information, for which he was paid extremely well —as indeed he had been from the day he'd agreed to become my agent as soon as I could pull the strings necessary to place him as a pilot with CCA." Ramez paused for breath. I remembered that Tom Lear had told me Forbes had struck it rich he'd gone to work with CCA. That checked with Ramez' story. Ramez went on. "My trust and my confidence in Forbes unfortunately grew. And then it became necessary for me to transport money to the guerrillas fighting for me in the back country. The funds were for the purchase of guns and ammunition, Dolan. The stipulations of the purchase were such that the money would be paid in United States currency, cash, immediately upon delivery of the merchandise." He paused and sipped his drink. "The secret transfer of half a million dollars, in cash—when the delivery must be made in utmost secrecy—is no easy matter." I glanced at Marta. Her face looked blank—as If she understood none of the things Ramez was saying. She'd told me the money involved was a quarter of a million dollars. I wondered if she'd consciously lied to me. Perhaps. I thought, her information had been wrong. Perhaps all this was Ramez plan to make me talk. If I thought Marta had lied to me, had planned to hold out on me, I'd blow my top, he figured, and tell him what he wanted to know. I looked at Ramez. He was watching me Closely. If that statement of his had been designed to break me up—and I was reasonably certain now that it had been—he was in for a big disappointment.... CHAPTER 21 WILLIAM FULLER Published by special arrangement with Curtis Brown, Ltd. © 1958, King Features Syndicate, Inc. All rights reserved. "YOU DON'T frighten me; Ramez," I said. "But I don't mind nudging your memory. I suppose a man in your racket must have trouble keeping up with the names of those who have been expediently done in. Like Joan Morris." His poise was shattered. His mouth gaped. His eyes stared. "Joan Morris. Why, I saw her just—" I interrupted him. "You saw her just night before last. She was a member or your party at the Gulf Stream Room. I was with her last night. She was about to tell me something about a man named Jack Forbes I left her alone for something less than ten minutes. When I came back she was dead. Her throat had been cut. Your hoods were in the neighborhood. Haven't you had your report from your head goon on this operation? The fat man?" "Manuel? I Haven't had time to see him. I —" "I can't stand here and say flatly that you ordered her murder, Ramez. I suppose it's pussible that the fat man—Manuel— or one or his buddies took it upon himself to make the decision. All I know is, she's dead. She was murdered. And I didn't do it." He'd regained his poise. "I'm sorry that Joan Morris is dead. She was so young. So beautiful. I don't know who killed her but I have ways of finding out." He sipped his drink and eyed the over the rim of his glass. "And so the police are blaming you, eh, Dolan?" "Without the slightest doubt." "Perhaps we did you a favor by bringing you here. Dolan Hiding you from the police." "That remains to he seen." "I think we did. And I think the fact that we could turn you over to the police at any time should make you amenable to our wishes." "Just what do you want from me, Ramez?" "Information." "Such as?" I was pretty sure I knew what he wanted but I wanted to hear him say it. "Please, Dolan. We can save so much time and unpleasantness if we eliminate all subterfuge." "I'm getting a little sick of playing games, Ramez. I don't know what the devil you're talking about." He sighed. "You're a difficult man to deal with, Dolan," he said. "Perhaps, however, Maria failed to give you some of the details. We'll start at the beginning We'll take it step by step. You will see that my information is very nearly complete. You will be convinced then, I am sure, that it will be useless for you to hold out any longer. You will know, for instance, that I will stop at nothing to get the one answer that will make my information complete. You will convince Marta of this. Then you, or Marta, will tell me what I want to know I am even prepared, at this point, to be generous with you. "I will the information—although you must know. Dolan, that this is an unnecessary gesture on my part. But I am a civilized man. I do not want to see people hurt. I will pay you fifty thousand dollars for the information. Twentyfive thousand dollars apiece." I glanced at Marta. She stared at me, her eyes huge, her lips silently pleading with me. I didn't know what to do. I didn't know what to say. Ramez' patience was, I sensed, wearing thin. I'd stall him, somehow, as long as I could. If I could get some sort of a background I'd think of something. "You started to give me details." I said. He sighed. "Patience is one of my virtues. Dolan I learned that in politics, I'll show you my cards. I'll start at the beginning. I'll start with a girl named Joan Morris." He was watching me closely. "A girl who died, it would seem, because she knew too much." I tried to keep my face expressionless. It was hard. "Joan Morns was a friend of mine. Dolan, One of many such friends. I saw her occasionally. She introduced me to a friend of hers—a tramp pilot named Jack Forbes." Forbes again. The name had commenced to haunt me. "Jack Forbes was flying occasional charier flights for a small air service out of Miami. The job was part-time and poorly paid: Joan thought that I might help her friend in some way. It is necessary for me to occasionally charter an airplane. In deference to Joan I used the air service for which Forbes worked. I requested Forbes as pilot." He sipped his drink. "I came to know Jack Forbes. He was personable. He was an excellent pilot. He was dissatisfied with the job he had and anxious to make a change. He was ambitious." He cleared his throat. "For some time I had considered the fact that it would be of great political expedience to me to have a man I could trust—one who would report to me—flying as a pilot for CCA. Many of the missions flown by the pilots of CCA are a little... a little , shall we say. It must be remembered that this is a national airline, and as such is at the beck and call of the chief of state. Carrasco takes full advantage of this situation and uses it unscrupulously to consolidate his position. There are many special missions for Carrasco. Secret missions. Missions of political intrigue. These extraneous missions ordered by Carrasco were the one weak spot in my information service down there. All CCA pilots make, in line of duty, many trips to Miami. If I could have a man who would report to me from time to time on the nature of Carrasco's secret missions, I reasoned, it would be invaluable to me in the operation of my intelligence section. I'm sure you can see that, Dolan." I was beginning to see a little light. "There is—or there an official in the Coronadan Ministry of Air who remained loyal to me. Through his office we were able to place Jack Forbes as a pilot for CCA. For a number of months Forbes reported to me. He gave me invaluable information, for which he was paid extremely well —as indeed he had been from the day he'd agreed to become my agent as soon as I could pull the strings necessary to place him as a pilot with CCA." Ramez paused for breath. I remembered that Tom Lear had told me Forbes had struck it rich he'd gone to work with CCA. That checked with Ramez' story. Ramez went on. "My trust and my confidence in Forbes unfortunately grew. And then it became necessary for me to transport money to the guerrillas fighting for me in the back country. The funds were for the purchase of guns and ammunition, Dolan. The stipulations of the purchase were such that the money would be paid in United States currency, cash, immediately upon delivery of the merchandise." He paused and sipped his drink. "The secret transfer of half a million dollars, in cash—when the delivery must be made in utmost secrecy—is no easy matter." I glanced at Marta. Her face looked blank—as If she understood none of the things Ramez was saying. She'd told me the money involved was a quarter of a million dollars. I wondered if she'd consciously lied to me. Perhaps. I thought, her information had been wrong. Perhaps all this was Ramez plan to make me talk. If I thought Marta had lied to me, had planned to hold out on me, I'd blow my top, he figured, and tell him what he wanted to know. I looked at Ramez. He was watching me Closely. If that statement of his had been designed to break me up—and I was reasonably certain now that it had been—he was in for a big disappointment.... THE TIP OFF By EMORY O. JACKSON Alabama is both one of the poll tax and low-vote states. It has been mentioned by this source before that of the three chief cities in the Scott Newspaper Syndicate orbit (Atlanta, Birmingham, Memphis) that Birmingham trails in the number of qualified voters. Yet Birmingham leads in Negro purchasing power, home ownership and in the number of Prince Hall Masons Neither Atlanta nor Memphis can match the Prince Hall Masonic Temple Building. Still that hardly fully accounts for the low-vote figure among the Birmingham Negro group in the light of the numerous voterregistration campaigns, the workshop's on the mechanics of voterregistration and the programs of voter-registration found in the various civic and related organizations. Meantime the Negro group has had expert and professional service in some of the add-newvoters campaigns. But in Birmingham and Jefferson County there are only approximately 12,000 Negro voters. There are around 121,000 Negro persons in the Birmingham area 21 years and older. This sparse Negro voting strength stands as a civic disgrace to Negro leadership in Birmingham, the Industrial Capital of the South. Of the three pivot cities in the SNS chain, Birmingham is the only one without Negro police. It is the only one of the three cities where Negro Republican leaders do not participate officially in Republican politics. Yet Birmingham has the Abraham Lincoln Republican Club which stands well with the Washington level of the Grand Old Party. Unlike Memphis and Atlanta, the Negro leadership that wors under the label of the Democratic Party has virtually nothing to show for its efforts. Birmingham's two Negro communities with new branch libraries are the two with the highest number of Negro voters. No southern city of the population class of Birmingham has failed to add Negro police where the Negro segment could speak effectively at the ballot box. The ballot is a silent instrument of political communication. Bishop Bromley Oxnam of the Methodist Church says that "The politician who swears to uphold the Constitution of the United States and then cooperates with the forces that seek to deny the Negro the vote is subversive." Students At Workshop In Missouri Eighteen LeMoyne College students left Memphis by bus Wednesday afternoon for Lilbourn, Mo., where they are conducting a workshop this week at the Delm Housin Cooperation, a housing project for sharecroppers and farm laborers. The students, all members of LeMoyne's Christian Fellowship, are repairing houses, parching roofs and building ences for residents of the project. They will return to Memphis early Sunday morning. The 13 youngsters are under the direction of Prof. Lionel A. Arnold, college pastor and professor of philosophy and religion at LeMoyne. They carried their own bedding and food. The LeMoyne faculty supplied them with Thanksgiving dinners. Lilbourn is located in a farming and plantation area in southeast Missouri. In 1937, the Farm Security Administration built houses and rented them to sharecroppers and farm helpers after they had been forced to camp along highways because of dire circumstances. Inlater years, when the Government decided to sell these house, a group of interested Negro and white citizens in St. Louis purchased the houses from the Government and resold them on low terms to the tenant's. There are seven of these housing centers in Lilbourn, two for Negroes and five for whites. The Congregational Church became interested in the project and sent several social workers to the various centers. LeMoyne students making the trip are: Charles Gwin, William Thomas and Charles Lewis, freshmen; Bernice Hightower and Willie Shotwell, sophomores; Nesby Blanchard, Ben Ward, Walter Mary Young, Frances Thomas, Darnell Thomas, Geraldine McCray, Barbara Whitley, Virginia Owens and Dorothy Bilbrew, Juniors, and Arthur McDaniel, Sidney McNairy, Robbie George and Beverly McDaniel, seniors. SEEING and SAYING By WILLIAM FOWLKES World's Managing Editor VAL WASHINGTON, the stalwart Republican leader who has been around a great deal, confined his recent Atlanta address, not to telling folks they ought to vote for the GOP, but that they ought to do more things on their own initiative, and much better. He was so right! It is one of my pet themes. —o— —o— IT IS EASY to criticize, some will say! However, these are the days of extreme trial for the American Negro. Unless ways can be found to correct the deep impressions of segregation and discrimination — practices of which the Negro was not responsible — the day of full equality is still far distant. It is true that there is much room for improvement of many habits among us, although there is no superior race anywhere around. There is only an historically advantaged and majority people, an aggressive minority of whom breed off racism and unfairly towards their neighbors. —o— —o— All these things call for the expression of our own initiative and the necessary carry-through. In all history, there have been few, if any, former master races willing to pull up to their own level their former slaves. Therefore, the presently advantaged among the sons of former slaves must more than ever express the missionary spirit to the lowly and the meek. None can totally rise without the other, or haven't we yet learned this? Our Own Initiative By WILLIAM FOWLKES World's Managing Editor VAL WASHINGTON, the stalwart Republican leader who has been around a great deal, confined his recent Atlanta address, not to telling folks they ought to vote for the GOP, but that they ought to do more things on their own initiative, and much better. He was so right! It is one of my pet themes. —o— —o— IT IS EASY to criticize, some will say! However, these are the days of extreme trial for the American Negro. Unless ways can be found to correct the deep impressions of segregation and discrimination — practices of which the Negro was not responsible — the day of full equality is still far distant. It is true that there is much room for improvement of many habits among us, although there is no superior race anywhere around. There is only an historically advantaged and majority people, an aggressive minority of whom breed off racism and unfairly towards their neighbors. —o— —o— All these things call for the expression of our own initiative and the necessary carry-through. In all history, there have been few, if any, former master races willing to pull up to their own level their former slaves. Therefore, the presently advantaged among the sons of former slaves must more than ever express the missionary spirit to the lowly and the meek. None can totally rise without the other, or haven't we yet learned this? CAPITAL SPOTLIGHT AT THE EQUAL OPPORTUNITY DAY luncheon at the Willard Hotel here the other day, Julius A. Thomas, industrial relations director of the National Urban league, got off this nifty: Thomas said he was in Little Rock recently and hoped to have a conference with Gov. Orval E. Faubus of Arkansas, which had been postponed about a year and a half ago. He waited for the governor's secretary to call him back, but the secretary never called him. This reminded Thomas of a rookie player on a minor league baseball team. He was playing centerfield one day and seemed unable to do anything right. Ground balls went through his legs and pop flies popped out of his glove. After a bad inning, the playermanager told him he need not return to the centerfield position — that he would take over. When three men were out, the player-manager went out to centerfield. He made three errors in one inning. When the player-manager returned to the bench, the rookie expected to hear him say that centerfield was difficult to play. Instead, the player-manager told the rookie that he had made centerfield so that nobody could play it. Thomas punch-line: "Faubus has screwed this business (Little Rock schools) up so that nobody can find an answer to it." Congressional candidate's are slow in filing their reports of campaign contributions and expenses. Their first reports were due to be filed with the Clerk of the House between Oct. 20 and 25; their second reports between Nov. 5 and Dec. 5. Some have not yet filed their first reports. Representative Charles C. Diggs, Michigan Democrat, who won reelection over Charles P. White, filed his first report on Nov. 10. It showed total contributions of $750 and no expenses. Diggs' contributors were Varnum B. Steinbaugh, Detroit, $100; United Automobile Workers, Detroit, $250; American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations, Detroit, $300, and Detroit Building Trades Council, $100. White previously reported contributions of $542.60 and expenditures of $431.22. The 13th Michigan district, which Diggs represents, has 125,213 voters, and the amount that can be legally spent by a Congressional candidate is $3,756.39. Representative Jimmy Roosevelt, California Democrat who defeated Crispus Wright, Republican, filed his second report on Nov. 10, showing total aggregate contributions of $7,575.58, total aggregate expenditures, $1,235.40, and total expenditures not included in report, $6,562. The second Roosevelt report listed contributions from Faye Wingard, Los Angeles, $5; Mendal B. Silberberg, Los Angeles, $200; Mark Pierce, Los Angeles, $100; Dollars for Democrats, $130.86; Max J. Ruderian, Los Angeles, $100; M. Hofberg and M. Len, Santa Monica, Calif., $50; Ted Leff, Beverly Hills $25. Merion L. W. Dunbar, Los Angeles, $10; M. M. McKinley, Los Angeles, $350, and H. N. Glickstein, Now York, $500; Henry M. Kannee, a Washington, D. C., lawyer, $200. Roosevelt previously reported contributions of $5,739.72, including $1,000 from the Committee on Political Education, Washington, D. C.; $1,400 from J. Oxenhandler, St. Louis; $1,000 from the Trainmen's Political Education League, Cleveland, Ohio; nine contributions from Chicagoans, totaling $550. Nobody Can Find Answer AT THE EQUAL OPPORTUNITY DAY luncheon at the Willard Hotel here the other day, Julius A. Thomas, industrial relations director of the National Urban league, got off this nifty: Thomas said he was in Little Rock recently and hoped to have a conference with Gov. Orval E. Faubus of Arkansas, which had been postponed about a year and a half ago. He waited for the governor's secretary to call him back, but the secretary never called him. This reminded Thomas of a rookie player on a minor league baseball team. He was playing centerfield one day and seemed unable to do anything right. Ground balls went through his legs and pop flies popped out of his glove. After a bad inning, the playermanager told him he need not return to the centerfield position — that he would take over. When three men were out, the player-manager went out to centerfield. He made three errors in one inning. When the player-manager returned to the bench, the rookie expected to hear him say that centerfield was difficult to play. Instead, the player-manager told the rookie that he had made centerfield so that nobody could play it. Thomas punch-line: "Faubus has screwed this business (Little Rock schools) up so that nobody can find an answer to it." Congressional candidate's are slow in filing their reports of campaign contributions and expenses. Their first reports were due to be filed with the Clerk of the House between Oct. 20 and 25; their second reports between Nov. 5 and Dec. 5. Some have not yet filed their first reports. Representative Charles C. Diggs, Michigan Democrat, who won reelection over Charles P. White, filed his first report on Nov. 10. It showed total contributions of $750 and no expenses. Diggs' contributors were Varnum B. Steinbaugh, Detroit, $100; United Automobile Workers, Detroit, $250; American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations, Detroit, $300, and Detroit Building Trades Council, $100. White previously reported contributions of $542.60 and expenditures of $431.22. The 13th Michigan district, which Diggs represents, has 125,213 voters, and the amount that can be legally spent by a Congressional candidate is $3,756.39. Representative Jimmy Roosevelt, California Democrat who defeated Crispus Wright, Republican, filed his second report on Nov. 10, showing total aggregate contributions of $7,575.58, total aggregate expenditures, $1,235.40, and total expenditures not included in report, $6,562. The second Roosevelt report listed contributions from Faye Wingard, Los Angeles, $5; Mendal B. Silberberg, Los Angeles, $200; Mark Pierce, Los Angeles, $100; Dollars for Democrats, $130.86; Max J. Ruderian, Los Angeles, $100; M. Hofberg and M. Len, Santa Monica, Calif., $50; Ted Leff, Beverly Hills $25. Merion L. W. Dunbar, Los Angeles, $10; M. M. McKinley, Los Angeles, $350, and H. N. Glickstein, Now York, $500; Henry M. Kannee, a Washington, D. C., lawyer, $200. Roosevelt previously reported contributions of $5,739.72, including $1,000 from the Committee on Political Education, Washington, D. C.; $1,400 from J. Oxenhandler, St. Louis; $1,000 from the Trainmen's Political Education League, Cleveland, Ohio; nine contributions from Chicagoans, totaling $550. CAMPAIGN EXPENSES AT THE EQUAL OPPORTUNITY DAY luncheon at the Willard Hotel here the other day, Julius A. Thomas, industrial relations director of the National Urban league, got off this nifty: Thomas said he was in Little Rock recently and hoped to have a conference with Gov. Orval E. Faubus of Arkansas, which had been postponed about a year and a half ago. He waited for the governor's secretary to call him back, but the secretary never called him. This reminded Thomas of a rookie player on a minor league baseball team. He was playing centerfield one day and seemed unable to do anything right. Ground balls went through his legs and pop flies popped out of his glove. After a bad inning, the playermanager told him he need not return to the centerfield position — that he would take over. When three men were out, the player-manager went out to centerfield. He made three errors in one inning. When the player-manager returned to the bench, the rookie expected to hear him say that centerfield was difficult to play. Instead, the player-manager told the rookie that he had made centerfield so that nobody could play it. Thomas punch-line: "Faubus has screwed this business (Little Rock schools) up so that nobody can find an answer to it." Congressional candidate's are slow in filing their reports of campaign contributions and expenses. Their first reports were due to be filed with the Clerk of the House between Oct. 20 and 25; their second reports between Nov. 5 and Dec. 5. Some have not yet filed their first reports. Representative Charles C. Diggs, Michigan Democrat, who won reelection over Charles P. White, filed his first report on Nov. 10. It showed total contributions of $750 and no expenses. Diggs' contributors were Varnum B. Steinbaugh, Detroit, $100; United Automobile Workers, Detroit, $250; American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations, Detroit, $300, and Detroit Building Trades Council, $100. White previously reported contributions of $542.60 and expenditures of $431.22. The 13th Michigan district, which Diggs represents, has 125,213 voters, and the amount that can be legally spent by a Congressional candidate is $3,756.39. Representative Jimmy Roosevelt, California Democrat who defeated Crispus Wright, Republican, filed his second report on Nov. 10, showing total aggregate contributions of $7,575.58, total aggregate expenditures, $1,235.40, and total expenditures not included in report, $6,562. The second Roosevelt report listed contributions from Faye Wingard, Los Angeles, $5; Mendal B. Silberberg, Los Angeles, $200; Mark Pierce, Los Angeles, $100; Dollars for Democrats, $130.86; Max J. Ruderian, Los Angeles, $100; M. Hofberg and M. Len, Santa Monica, Calif., $50; Ted Leff, Beverly Hills $25. Merion L. W. Dunbar, Los Angeles, $10; M. M. McKinley, Los Angeles, $350, and H. N. Glickstein, Now York, $500; Henry M. Kannee, a Washington, D. C., lawyer, $200. Roosevelt previously reported contributions of $5,739.72, including $1,000 from the Committee on Political Education, Washington, D. C.; $1,400 from J. Oxenhandler, St. Louis; $1,000 from the Trainmen's Political Education League, Cleveland, Ohio; nine contributions from Chicagoans, totaling $550. MEMPHIS WORLD Call JA. 6-4030 Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition FOR SALE OR RENT Very desirable brick duplex on S. Parkway East. Good Price for quick sale. Low down payment — Good terms. Call owner, Ben Rollins BR. 6-4454 or come by 1001 Monroe Avenue. BUILDING FOR RENT Store Bldg. with 5 rooms and bath For living qrts. upstairs. Ground floor suitable for lunchroom, sundry, grocery, beauty shop. Will improve to suit tenant. 1644 S. LAUDERDALE Phone WH 6-6859 FOR RENT 171-73 BEALE Grade Floor about 4.000 Sq. Ft. Ideal for furniture and other retail line. Reduced rental. HOBSON-KERNS CO. U. P. Bk. Bldg. REPAIR SERVICE Call us for Refrigeration Repairs. Air Conditioners, Washing Machines, Electrical Appliances. — Fast, courteous service. SAM'S APPLIANCE SERVICE 1922 Madison Phone BR. 2-7617 REMODEL-REPAIR-PAINT ADD-A-ROOM On FHA terms. Free estimates, easy payments — Carports, dens, garages, rooms, enclosures, painting, roofing, concrete, brick paneling, siding, additions. Phone for estimate. Home Builders Supply Co. 820 S. Willett BR 5-8128 SALESWOMEN WANTED MAKE EXTRA MONEY In Your Spare Time SELL CHRISTMAS CARDS For A Memphis Firm Come to our office or write: SOUTHERN GREETING CARD COMPANY 478 N. Hollywood — Dept. 100 Memphis 12, Tennessee BUSINESS WOMEN — SELL To fellow employees on lunch hour and breaks. Add $20-$30 a week to present income. Avon Cosmetics are in demand everywhere. Call JA 5-6933. NEWSBOYS WANTED To Sell the Memphis World Tuesday and Friday. JA 6-4030. GET YOUR VITAMINS Vitamins Add Years To Life—Add Life To Years. Buy your vitamins wholesale and save 40%. Moneyback guarantee. Phone FA. 7-5742.