Memphis World
Memphis World Publishing Co.
1958-07-05
Thaddeus T. Stokes

MEMPHIS WORLD
AMERICAN'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL
The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper
Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO.
Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE — Ph. JA. 6-4030
Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE
W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott General Manager
Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail
under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870
THADDEUS T. STOKES
Managing Editor
SMITH FLEMING
Circulation Manager
SUBSCRIPTION RATES:
Year $5.00 — 6 Months $3.00 — 3 Months $1.50 (In Advance)
The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian
and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things
it believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those things
against the interest of its readers.

Freedom To Advertise
"Another vicious invasion of our dwindling freedoms was
chalked up last month when the Bureau of Internal Revenue
took action to try to gag private industry from using advertising
to fight government competition." Thus begins a long editorial
in The American Press, a monthly magazine which speaks for
the weekly newspapers of this country.
The ruling in question was that advertising placed by
electric utility companies, and presenting their side of the public-vs-private 
power controversy, could no longer be deduced
as business expense for income tax purposes. Needless to say,
all the proponents of socialized power greeted this act with
shouts of joy.
The American Press also says: "We can't think of a more
American way for business to battle for its rights than to take
its case to the people by the use of advertising space. Surely
this is more to be desired than secret, behind-closed-doors
lobbying, which seems to be the alternative.
"It is our hope that the electric companies will not only
fight this ruling in the tax courts but will go a step further and
use part of their advertising space to acquaint the people with
this attempt of the government to 'gag' them.
"Freedom to advertise is an important part of freedom of
the press, and should be guarded with equal care. It is, in
many cases, the one vehicle through which business can 'speak
out in open meeting'."
This goes far beyond the fight over who is to produce this
country's electricity. If a tax penalty can be used to prevent
any man, any industry or any group from stating his side of
a case, one of the most essential of the freedoms supposedly
guaranteed by the Constitution is on its deathbed. And government 
bureaus, tax weapon at the ready, will decide what can
or cannot be said in the advertising pages of our newspapers
and magazine.

Asafetida Or Salk Vaccine?
Asafetida is a foul-smelling gum resin derived from a plant
native to the Middle East. Superstition and old-wives' remedies 
once endowed it with sweeping medical powers, but
science has long since demonstrated its utter worthlessness.
Yet when a terrible polio epidemic struck New York City
bock in 1916, thousands of people put their trust in little bags
of asafetida, tied with a string about the necks of their children.
While the toll of the crippled mounted daily, while the virus
killed one of every four of the stricken, frightened parents resorted 
to any measure that gave hope, turning even to the
ridiculously futile bags of resin in their desperate effort to hold
off the disease.
Today, we recognize the pathetic ignorance which dictated
that action. But how much have we profited through new
knowledge available to us?
Across the country, drug store shelves and physicians' offices 
are stacked with bottles of a substance that WILL protect
against polio. It is called Salk vaccine. Its safety is unquestioned. 
Its effectiveness has been demonstrated dramatically
by the rapid decline in cases among the vaccinated. The vaccine 
is inexpensive, and quickly administered. Yet millions
of Americans are neglecting to make use of it. Millions walk
the streets with no more protection against crippling polio than
the thounsands whose lives were destroyed or distorted by the
epidemic of 1916.
The threat of polio has not been eliminated. The virus
still stalks among us. If you have hot taken Salk shots, you
are still in danger.
The only way to have peace of mind is to get vaccinated
NOW.

Holy Cow!
The first domestic livestock in what is now the USA, landed
in Florida in 1521. The first American meat packer was the
founder of Plymouth, Massachusetts. Yet, after all these years
the meat industry and its intricate interplay of prices continue
to be a mystery.
That observation was made by Robert West Howard, roving 
editor of the American Meat Institute, in an unusual talk
before a YWCA Rural-Urban Workshop. And why should this
mystery exist? Here's his answer:
"Essentially, I presume, because no consumer really gives
a tunket. I feel like a steak. All right, let's go downtown
and have a good one. We'll really put on the dog and take
in a play, too. Seven dollars for the restaurant steak; three
dollars for a Caesar salad; $1.50 tip for the waiter; 50 cents
to the cigarette girl; $3 for cabs; $8 for good orchestra seats;
$12 for nightcaps and a floor show at The Blue Bubble....
Thirty-five bucks. Holy cow, how the price of meat has gone
up! Who's getting it?"
Comparatively few consumers may operate on so expensive 
a scale as this. But the things people don't know about
the meat industry would fill a book. For instance, Howard
points out, it takes 78 months to grow a 1,000 pound steer.
During that time the animals may change owners several times
and travel thousands of miles.
After dressing out and trimming, less than half of the
weight—465 pounds—becomes retail cuts in the butcher's cabinets. 
And of this 465 pounds, a mere 35 pounds represents
those highly regarded steaks. That's why a steak is expensive
while other cuts, equally nutritious and mighty toothsome
when properly prepared, cost much less.
Howard thinks it's high time we take the mystery out of
meat, through education and the dissemination of the facts.
He's really got something there.

So, Alaska Joins The Union
On the eve of the approaching of the First day of feasting
for the American people, comes the occasion for welcoming another 
fond sister into the constellation of United States.
President Eisenhower has stated long ago his desire that
Alaska be given the rights of statehood; he has felt the keen
deservedness of the territory and has appraised the merit of
Alaska being made a state.
It is somewhat a yardstick of American patriotism in the
spirit and timing by which Alaska is given statehood; those who
envisioned such and later worked and voted for this measure
will not have cause to regret their action in adding a 49th
state.
Another vast territory lies near the tropics, rich in its heritage, 
its fruitage and climatic environments. President Eisonhower 
has also made it a party obligation to enroll Hawaii as

one of the states of this nation. The President's views were reported 
by Senate Minority Leader, William Knowland and at a
time when the House had already provided a bill to give statehood 
to Alaska.
In the very near future, it may be among the realities that
Hawaii might come in as the 50th state of this Union.
Direct representation in the Congress as bona fide participants 
in the affairs of the nation would s
greatly enhance the
opportunities of both units in a representative compact of sister 
states.
While no political bearing should hamper the horizon,
there is at least a balance in sight, in that one is heavily Republican 
and the other Democratic in political leanings.

IN THE NATION'S CAPITOL
TWO CHAMPIONS OF CIVIL RIGHTS have come out for a
nine-month extension of the Civil Rights Commission.
Senator Jacob K. Javits and Representative Kenneth B.
Keating, both New York Republicans, have introduced companion 
bills in the Senate and House to extend the life of the Commission. 

Under the Civil Rights Act of
1957, the commission is due to submit 
its final report to the President
and Congress by Sept. 9, 1959. Sixty 
days later it passes out of existence. 

The sheenanigans of the Senate
Judiciary Committee, of which
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, 
of Mississippi, is chairman,
delayed the commission in getting
started. First, there was some delay 
in confirming the members of
the commission. Then there was
more delay in confirming Gordon
M. Tiffany as staff director.
Senator Javits and Congressman
Keating believe that it is necessary 
to give the commission more
time in order that it may carry
out its responsibilities.
But the inactivity of the commission 
to date indicates that lack
of time is not its trouble.
The commission has shown
either timidity or an unwillingness
to come to grips with the types of
civil rights violations which brought
about enactment of the Civil Rights
Act of 1957, creating the commission. 

The duties of the commission
are—
1. To investigate sworn allegations 
in writing that citizens are
being deprived of their right to
vote by reason of their color, race,
religion or national Origin.
2. To study and collect information 
concerning legal developments
constituting a denial of equal protection 
of the laws under the Constitution. 

3. To appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government
with respect to equal protection of
the laws under the Constitution.
Instead of investigating and
studying specific Cases which come
within the purview of its duties,
the commission has decided to
make what sounds like an academic 
study of voting, school desegregation 
in communities which
voluntarily desegregated, and housing 
in communities having laws
forbidding racial discrimination in
occupancy of public or private
housing.
The reign of death, violence and
terror which gripped Dawson, Ga.,
appeared to come plainly within
the purview of the duties of the
commission.
The incidents which occurred in
Dawson indicate violations of both

the constitutional guarantees of
the 14th and 15th Amendments
and the old Reconstruction- era
civil rights statute which makes it
a federal offense to deprive citizens 
of their civil rights under
color of state law.
Under this section the Justice
Department has prosecuted local
sheriffs, police officers and other
officials who have set themselves
above the law and engaged in brutality 
and violence against friendless 
and ignorant persons.
In Dawson, two colored men
were killed by policemen and about
25 colored persons, many of them
teachers, were denied the right to
register to vote.
In the latest episode, the Terrell
County School Board removed furniture 
from two colored schools in
Dawson and placed it in white
schools without approval of the
Georgia State School Building
Authority.
The commission received a firsthand 
account of terror and violence 
directed against colored people 
in Dawson from Robert E. Lee
Baker, a reporter whom The
Washington Post and Times Herald 
sent there.
It decided, however, that it
would not investigate alleged violations 
of civil rights in Dawson
unless sworn complaints were filed
with it.
A more unrealistic position could
not have been taken. The victims
are either dead or too intimidated
to state their complaints in writing 
Baker reported that colored
people in Dawson were afraid to
be caught talking to him and set
up elabaroate plans for meeting
with him at night and outside
Terrell County, of which Dawson
is the seat.
The commission consists of six
members—three northern integrationists 
and three southern segregationists. 
One of the southerners,
ex-Gov. John S. Battle of Virginia, 
even now is working on a
scheme to deprive colored children
in Virginia of their constitutional
right to attend non - segregated
public schools.
As long as there is a stalemated
division in the commission— and
death or resignation is the only
thing which may bring about a
change— it is doubtful that the
commission will serve any useful
purpose.

TIMIDITY, UNWILLINGNESS?
TWO CHAMPIONS OF CIVIL RIGHTS have come out for a
nine-month extension of the Civil Rights Commission.
Senator Jacob K. Javits and Representative Kenneth B.
Keating, both New York Republicans, have introduced companion 
bills in the Senate and House to extend the life of the Commission. 

Under the Civil Rights Act of
1957, the commission is due to submit 
its final report to the President
and Congress by Sept. 9, 1959. Sixty 
days later it passes out of existence. 

The sheenanigans of the Senate
Judiciary Committee, of which
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, 
of Mississippi, is chairman,
delayed the commission in getting
started. First, there was some delay 
in confirming the members of
the commission. Then there was
more delay in confirming Gordon
M. Tiffany as staff director.
Senator Javits and Congressman
Keating believe that it is necessary 
to give the commission more
time in order that it may carry
out its responsibilities.
But the inactivity of the commission 
to date indicates that lack
of time is not its trouble.
The commission has shown
either timidity or an unwillingness
to come to grips with the types of
civil rights violations which brought
about enactment of the Civil Rights
Act of 1957, creating the commission. 

The duties of the commission
are—
1. To investigate sworn allegations 
in writing that citizens are
being deprived of their right to
vote by reason of their color, race,
religion or national Origin.
2. To study and collect information 
concerning legal developments
constituting a denial of equal protection 
of the laws under the Constitution. 

3. To appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government
with respect to equal protection of
the laws under the Constitution.
Instead of investigating and
studying specific Cases which come
within the purview of its duties,
the commission has decided to
make what sounds like an academic 
study of voting, school desegregation 
in communities which
voluntarily desegregated, and housing 
in communities having laws
forbidding racial discrimination in
occupancy of public or private
housing.
The reign of death, violence and
terror which gripped Dawson, Ga.,
appeared to come plainly within
the purview of the duties of the
commission.
The incidents which occurred in
Dawson indicate violations of both

the constitutional guarantees of
the 14th and 15th Amendments
and the old Reconstruction- era
civil rights statute which makes it
a federal offense to deprive citizens 
of their civil rights under
color of state law.
Under this section the Justice
Department has prosecuted local
sheriffs, police officers and other
officials who have set themselves
above the law and engaged in brutality 
and violence against friendless 
and ignorant persons.
In Dawson, two colored men
were killed by policemen and about
25 colored persons, many of them
teachers, were denied the right to
register to vote.
In the latest episode, the Terrell
County School Board removed furniture 
from two colored schools in
Dawson and placed it in white
schools without approval of the
Georgia State School Building
Authority.
The commission received a firsthand 
account of terror and violence 
directed against colored people 
in Dawson from Robert E. Lee
Baker, a reporter whom The
Washington Post and Times Herald 
sent there.
It decided, however, that it
would not investigate alleged violations 
of civil rights in Dawson
unless sworn complaints were filed
with it.
A more unrealistic position could
not have been taken. The victims
are either dead or too intimidated
to state their complaints in writing 
Baker reported that colored
people in Dawson were afraid to
be caught talking to him and set
up elabaroate plans for meeting
with him at night and outside
Terrell County, of which Dawson
is the seat.
The commission consists of six
members—three northern integrationists 
and three southern segregationists. 
One of the southerners,
ex-Gov. John S. Battle of Virginia, 
even now is working on a
scheme to deprive colored children
in Virginia of their constitutional
right to attend non - segregated
public schools.
As long as there is a stalemated
division in the commission— and
death or resignation is the only
thing which may bring about a
change— it is doubtful that the
commission will serve any useful
purpose.

WITHIN PURVIEW
TWO CHAMPIONS OF CIVIL RIGHTS have come out for a
nine-month extension of the Civil Rights Commission.
Senator Jacob K. Javits and Representative Kenneth B.
Keating, both New York Republicans, have introduced companion 
bills in the Senate and House to extend the life of the Commission. 

Under the Civil Rights Act of
1957, the commission is due to submit 
its final report to the President
and Congress by Sept. 9, 1959. Sixty 
days later it passes out of existence. 

The sheenanigans of the Senate
Judiciary Committee, of which
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, 
of Mississippi, is chairman,
delayed the commission in getting
started. First, there was some delay 
in confirming the members of
the commission. Then there was
more delay in confirming Gordon
M. Tiffany as staff director.
Senator Javits and Congressman
Keating believe that it is necessary 
to give the commission more
time in order that it may carry
out its responsibilities.
But the inactivity of the commission 
to date indicates that lack
of time is not its trouble.
The commission has shown
either timidity or an unwillingness
to come to grips with the types of
civil rights violations which brought
about enactment of the Civil Rights
Act of 1957, creating the commission. 

The duties of the commission
are—
1. To investigate sworn allegations 
in writing that citizens are
being deprived of their right to
vote by reason of their color, race,
religion or national Origin.
2. To study and collect information 
concerning legal developments
constituting a denial of equal protection 
of the laws under the Constitution. 

3. To appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government
with respect to equal protection of
the laws under the Constitution.
Instead of investigating and
studying specific Cases which come
within the purview of its duties,
the commission has decided to
make what sounds like an academic 
study of voting, school desegregation 
in communities which
voluntarily desegregated, and housing 
in communities having laws
forbidding racial discrimination in
occupancy of public or private
housing.
The reign of death, violence and
terror which gripped Dawson, Ga.,
appeared to come plainly within
the purview of the duties of the
commission.
The incidents which occurred in
Dawson indicate violations of both

the constitutional guarantees of
the 14th and 15th Amendments
and the old Reconstruction- era
civil rights statute which makes it
a federal offense to deprive citizens 
of their civil rights under
color of state law.
Under this section the Justice
Department has prosecuted local
sheriffs, police officers and other
officials who have set themselves
above the law and engaged in brutality 
and violence against friendless 
and ignorant persons.
In Dawson, two colored men
were killed by policemen and about
25 colored persons, many of them
teachers, were denied the right to
register to vote.
In the latest episode, the Terrell
County School Board removed furniture 
from two colored schools in
Dawson and placed it in white
schools without approval of the
Georgia State School Building
Authority.
The commission received a firsthand 
account of terror and violence 
directed against colored people 
in Dawson from Robert E. Lee
Baker, a reporter whom The
Washington Post and Times Herald 
sent there.
It decided, however, that it
would not investigate alleged violations 
of civil rights in Dawson
unless sworn complaints were filed
with it.
A more unrealistic position could
not have been taken. The victims
are either dead or too intimidated
to state their complaints in writing 
Baker reported that colored
people in Dawson were afraid to
be caught talking to him and set
up elabaroate plans for meeting
with him at night and outside
Terrell County, of which Dawson
is the seat.
The commission consists of six
members—three northern integrationists 
and three southern segregationists. 
One of the southerners,
ex-Gov. John S. Battle of Virginia, 
even now is working on a
scheme to deprive colored children
in Virginia of their constitutional
right to attend non - segregated
public schools.
As long as there is a stalemated
division in the commission— and
death or resignation is the only
thing which may bring about a
change— it is doubtful that the
commission will serve any useful
purpose.

FIRST HAND ACCOUNT
TWO CHAMPIONS OF CIVIL RIGHTS have come out for a
nine-month extension of the Civil Rights Commission.
Senator Jacob K. Javits and Representative Kenneth B.
Keating, both New York Republicans, have introduced companion 
bills in the Senate and House to extend the life of the Commission. 

Under the Civil Rights Act of
1957, the commission is due to submit 
its final report to the President
and Congress by Sept. 9, 1959. Sixty 
days later it passes out of existence. 

The sheenanigans of the Senate
Judiciary Committee, of which
Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, 
of Mississippi, is chairman,
delayed the commission in getting
started. First, there was some delay 
in confirming the members of
the commission. Then there was
more delay in confirming Gordon
M. Tiffany as staff director.
Senator Javits and Congressman
Keating believe that it is necessary 
to give the commission more
time in order that it may carry
out its responsibilities.
But the inactivity of the commission 
to date indicates that lack
of time is not its trouble.
The commission has shown
either timidity or an unwillingness
to come to grips with the types of
civil rights violations which brought
about enactment of the Civil Rights
Act of 1957, creating the commission. 

The duties of the commission
are—
1. To investigate sworn allegations 
in writing that citizens are
being deprived of their right to
vote by reason of their color, race,
religion or national Origin.
2. To study and collect information 
concerning legal developments
constituting a denial of equal protection 
of the laws under the Constitution. 

3. To appraise the laws and policies 
of the Federal Government
with respect to equal protection of
the laws under the Constitution.
Instead of investigating and
studying specific Cases which come
within the purview of its duties,
the commission has decided to
make what sounds like an academic 
study of voting, school desegregation 
in communities which
voluntarily desegregated, and housing 
in communities having laws
forbidding racial discrimination in
occupancy of public or private
housing.
The reign of death, violence and
terror which gripped Dawson, Ga.,
appeared to come plainly within
the purview of the duties of the
commission.
The incidents which occurred in
Dawson indicate violations of both

the constitutional guarantees of
the 14th and 15th Amendments
and the old Reconstruction- era
civil rights statute which makes it
a federal offense to deprive citizens 
of their civil rights under
color of state law.
Under this section the Justice
Department has prosecuted local
sheriffs, police officers and other
officials who have set themselves
above the law and engaged in brutality 
and violence against friendless 
and ignorant persons.
In Dawson, two colored men
were killed by policemen and about
25 colored persons, many of them
teachers, were denied the right to
register to vote.
In the latest episode, the Terrell
County School Board removed furniture 
from two colored schools in
Dawson and placed it in white
schools without approval of the
Georgia State School Building
Authority.
The commission received a firsthand 
account of terror and violence 
directed against colored people 
in Dawson from Robert E. Lee
Baker, a reporter whom The
Washington Post and Times Herald 
sent there.
It decided, however, that it
would not investigate alleged violations 
of civil rights in Dawson
unless sworn complaints were filed
with it.
A more unrealistic position could
not have been taken. The victims
are either dead or too intimidated
to state their complaints in writing 
Baker reported that colored
people in Dawson were afraid to
be caught talking to him and set
up elabaroate plans for meeting
with him at night and outside
Terrell County, of which Dawson
is the seat.
The commission consists of six
members—three northern integrationists 
and three southern segregationists. 
One of the southerners,
ex-Gov. John S. Battle of Virginia, 
even now is working on a
scheme to deprive colored children
in Virginia of their constitutional
right to attend non - segregated
public schools.
As long as there is a stalemated
division in the commission— and
death or resignation is the only
thing which may bring about a
change— it is doubtful that the
commission will serve any useful
purpose.

Monday's Supreme Court Action
Among several other matters, the U. S. Supreme Court took
action Monday on two very important questions that affect directly 
the question of segregation and the racial question in
general. One was the decision of a federal district judge at
Little Rock, Arkansas in which a ruling was made to suspend
until 1961 integration at the Central High School there on the
grounds that there was too much public resistance to it at this
time. The High Tribunal did not make a ruling on the issue directly 
on the grounds that it could follow the usual course of
getting a hearing first before the Court of Appeals. But in its
unsigned order concerning this case, the tribunal indicated its
feeling and what the Appeals Court would do when it stated
that action would be taken "in ample time to permit arrangements" 
for the next school term which begins this September.
The High Court said it was confident that the Appeals Court
would recognize the "vital importance of the element of time
in this litigation."
This seems to mean to us that the court decision of delay
would be reversed and the Negro students enrolled at Central
High will be able to continue their studies when school reopens
after the summer recess.
We are aware of the problem of resistance which we have
contended all along was more or less manufactured for personal 
political reasons, but at the same time we think that since
the situation had developed to the point it had, it would be
unwise to relent on a question as important as a constitutional
right. There is always some opposition to some law. The question 
which now exists at Little Rock is no longer merely the
issue of integration, but it is a broader one of the whole question 
of law and order. As a matter of logic and necessity, we
always stand with the law. And we believe when the law is
firm, the people will have the intelligence to conform with it.
The other most important question dealt with by the court
was its decision voiding a ruling by an Alabama Court which
had fined the NAACP in that state $100,000 on a contempt
charge for not furnishing a list of its membership to state officials. 
On the matter of the membership lists, the court unanimously 
said:
"We hold that the immunity from State scrutiny of membership 
lists which the Association claims on behalf of its
members is here so related to the right of the members
to pursue their lawful private interest privately and to associate 
freely with others in so doing as to come within
the protection of the 14th Amendment."
However, the court did not rule put the temporary injunction 
which Alabama has against the NAACP operating in that
state. It held that further hearings were necessary on that point
because other courts had dealt mainly with the contempt and
ine phase of the case.
Of course, all the action against the organization came as
a result of the segregation issue and the Supreme Court decision 
of 1954, but the action of the Supreme Court shows how
technical and accurate the question of litigation can be.
All in all, the actions on Monday indicate that the court
will stand firmly by its earlier ruling regarding the rights of
minorities. The High Court takes its own good time, but once
it has decided a case resistance will prove futile.

Lockard Expected

Advancement of Colored People,
said, "I applied as an individual
for the card at the main library,
and that is what I still want—the
right to use any library. When I
go to the library, I am not looking
for a particular book. I want to
look in some periodical for statistics 
and facts, in material which
can not be found at the Negro
branch. I feel that I have the right
to go to any library I choose, for
my tax money also goes to support 
the libraries."
"It was pretty insulting to be told
by Mr. Jesse Cunningham that I
was 'too intelligent' to want to go
to the main library. It would seem
to me that the more intelligent
you are the less you need a library
is going backwards."
Turner was backed up in his request 
to use the main library and
for all Negroes to use the major
branch by 70 Memphis State University 
faculty members, 29 Southwestern 
University faculty members 
65 University of Tennessee
faculty members, and 18 students
from Christian Brothers College, a
Catholic institution. The faculty
members were represented by Dr.
Rowland M. Hill of Memphis State
University; Van B. Philpot, Jr.,
University of Tennessee, and Dr.
Perry D. Scrivner of Southwestern.
These educators appeared before
the library board on June 20 and
presented a petition which was
signed by the faculty members and
students asking that Negroes be
permitted to use the main branch.
Board President Randolph said
that he asked the city commissioners 
for advice but had not received
any. He said that he wrote all the
commissioners nine months ago for
their opinion.
Randolph, in announcing the
policy for continued library segregation, 
said that Commissioner Loeb
had urged him to continue segregation 
at the library. He also said
that Commissioners Armour, Dwyer 
and Dillard took Commissioner
Loeb's position along with the
county commissioners.
Mayor Edmund Orgill, campaigning 
for the governor's seat in
in Dyersburg at the time the issue
came up was reported to have said,
"The library board is an independent 
board and I don't think the
City Commission could or should
tell them what to do in this matter." 

More protests concerning segregation 
at the library were reported
by Randolph to have come from
the Protestant Pastors Association,
a group which also allegedly asked
that Negroes not be barred from
the main library.
Turner, who lives at 1278 Gill,
said that he would never use the
small Vance Avenue branch even
though it is almost in his community. 

Library Board members besides
Randolph are Horace H. Hull, William 
F. Murrah, J. Thomas Wellford, 
Vance Alexander, Sr., R. A.
Trippeer, Alfred D. Mason, E. W.
Hale, and Edmund Orgill, an exofficio 
member.

'PRETTY INSULTING'

Advancement of Colored People,
said, "I applied as an individual
for the card at the main library,
and that is what I still want—the
right to use any library. When I
go to the library, I am not looking
for a particular book. I want to
look in some periodical for statistics 
and facts, in material which
can not be found at the Negro
branch. I feel that I have the right
to go to any library I choose, for
my tax money also goes to support 
the libraries."
"It was pretty insulting to be told
by Mr. Jesse Cunningham that I
was 'too intelligent' to want to go
to the main library. It would seem
to me that the more intelligent
you are the less you need a library
is going backwards."
Turner was backed up in his request 
to use the main library and
for all Negroes to use the major
branch by 70 Memphis State University 
faculty members, 29 Southwestern 
University faculty members 
65 University of Tennessee
faculty members, and 18 students
from Christian Brothers College, a
Catholic institution. The faculty
members were represented by Dr.
Rowland M. Hill of Memphis State
University; Van B. Philpot, Jr.,
University of Tennessee, and Dr.
Perry D. Scrivner of Southwestern.
These educators appeared before
the library board on June 20 and
presented a petition which was
signed by the faculty members and
students asking that Negroes be
permitted to use the main branch.
Board President Randolph said
that he asked the city commissioners 
for advice but had not received
any. He said that he wrote all the
commissioners nine months ago for
their opinion.
Randolph, in announcing the
policy for continued library segregation, 
said that Commissioner Loeb
had urged him to continue segregation 
at the library. He also said
that Commissioners Armour, Dwyer 
and Dillard took Commissioner
Loeb's position along with the
county commissioners.
Mayor Edmund Orgill, campaigning 
for the governor's seat in
in Dyersburg at the time the issue
came up was reported to have said,
"The library board is an independent 
board and I don't think the
City Commission could or should
tell them what to do in this matter." 

More protests concerning segregation 
at the library were reported
by Randolph to have come from
the Protestant Pastors Association,
a group which also allegedly asked
that Negroes not be barred from
the main library.
Turner, who lives at 1278 Gill,
said that he would never use the
small Vance Avenue branch even
though it is almost in his community. 

Library Board members besides
Randolph are Horace H. Hull, William 
F. Murrah, J. Thomas Wellford, 
Vance Alexander, Sr., R. A.
Trippeer, Alfred D. Mason, E. W.
Hale, and Edmund Orgill, an exofficio 
member.

ASKED COMMISSIONERS
ADVICE

Advancement of Colored People,
said, "I applied as an individual
for the card at the main library,
and that is what I still want—the
right to use any library. When I
go to the library, I am not looking
for a particular book. I want to
look in some periodical for statistics 
and facts, in material which
can not be found at the Negro
branch. I feel that I have the right
to go to any library I choose, for
my tax money also goes to support 
the libraries."
"It was pretty insulting to be told
by Mr. Jesse Cunningham that I
was 'too intelligent' to want to go
to the main library. It would seem
to me that the more intelligent
you are the less you need a library
is going backwards."
Turner was backed up in his request 
to use the main library and
for all Negroes to use the major
branch by 70 Memphis State University 
faculty members, 29 Southwestern 
University faculty members 
65 University of Tennessee
faculty members, and 18 students
from Christian Brothers College, a
Catholic institution. The faculty
members were represented by Dr.
Rowland M. Hill of Memphis State
University; Van B. Philpot, Jr.,
University of Tennessee, and Dr.
Perry D. Scrivner of Southwestern.
These educators appeared before
the library board on June 20 and
presented a petition which was
signed by the faculty members and
students asking that Negroes be
permitted to use the main branch.
Board President Randolph said
that he asked the city commissioners 
for advice but had not received
any. He said that he wrote all the
commissioners nine months ago for
their opinion.
Randolph, in announcing the
policy for continued library segregation, 
said that Commissioner Loeb
had urged him to continue segregation 
at the library. He also said
that Commissioners Armour, Dwyer 
and Dillard took Commissioner
Loeb's position along with the
county commissioners.
Mayor Edmund Orgill, campaigning 
for the governor's seat in
in Dyersburg at the time the issue
came up was reported to have said,
"The library board is an independent 
board and I don't think the
City Commission could or should
tell them what to do in this matter." 

More protests concerning segregation 
at the library were reported
by Randolph to have come from
the Protestant Pastors Association,
a group which also allegedly asked
that Negroes not be barred from
the main library.
Turner, who lives at 1278 Gill,
said that he would never use the
small Vance Avenue branch even
though it is almost in his community. 

Library Board members besides
Randolph are Horace H. Hull, William 
F. Murrah, J. Thomas Wellford, 
Vance Alexander, Sr., R. A.
Trippeer, Alfred D. Mason, E. W.
Hale, and Edmund Orgill, an exofficio 
member.

MORE PROTESTS

Advancement of Colored People,
said, "I applied as an individual
for the card at the main library,
and that is what I still want—the
right to use any library. When I
go to the library, I am not looking
for a particular book. I want to
look in some periodical for statistics 
and facts, in material which
can not be found at the Negro
branch. I feel that I have the right
to go to any library I choose, for
my tax money also goes to support 
the libraries."
"It was pretty insulting to be told
by Mr. Jesse Cunningham that I
was 'too intelligent' to want to go
to the main library. It would seem
to me that the more intelligent
you are the less you need a library
is going backwards."
Turner was backed up in his request 
to use the main library and
for all Negroes to use the major
branch by 70 Memphis State University 
faculty members, 29 Southwestern 
University faculty members 
65 University of Tennessee
faculty members, and 18 students
from Christian Brothers College, a
Catholic institution. The faculty
members were represented by Dr.
Rowland M. Hill of Memphis State
University; Van B. Philpot, Jr.,
University of Tennessee, and Dr.
Perry D. Scrivner of Southwestern.
These educators appeared before
the library board on June 20 and
presented a petition which was
signed by the faculty members and
students asking that Negroes be
permitted to use the main branch.
Board President Randolph said
that he asked the city commissioners 
for advice but had not received
any. He said that he wrote all the
commissioners nine months ago for
their opinion.
Randolph, in announcing the
policy for continued library segregation, 
said that Commissioner Loeb
had urged him to continue segregation 
at the library. He also said
that Commissioners Armour, Dwyer 
and Dillard took Commissioner
Loeb's position along with the
county commissioners.
Mayor Edmund Orgill, campaigning 
for the governor's seat in
in Dyersburg at the time the issue
came up was reported to have said,
"The library board is an independent 
board and I don't think the
City Commission could or should
tell them what to do in this matter." 

More protests concerning segregation 
at the library were reported
by Randolph to have come from
the Protestant Pastors Association,
a group which also allegedly asked
that Negroes not be barred from
the main library.
Turner, who lives at 1278 Gill,
said that he would never use the
small Vance Avenue branch even
though it is almost in his community. 

Library Board members besides
Randolph are Horace H. Hull, William 
F. Murrah, J. Thomas Wellford, 
Vance Alexander, Sr., R. A.
Trippeer, Alfred D. Mason, E. W.
Hale, and Edmund Orgill, an exofficio 
member.

Young Rock

beat upsets my stomach."

GOOD PRACTICAL
EXPERIENCE
Truly says that the scholarship
to American University will provide 
him with "good practical ex
perience.' 
He says he wants to go
into the field of psychology or into 
diplomatic relations. The scholarship 
was awarded on the basis
of a high over-all scholastic average. 


Before the year is out, or maybe 
before the summer is over, Turly
will be a husband. He intends to
marry Miss Inez Terrell, a senior
at LeMoyne.

a Dog's
Life
By Bob Bartos
Manager, Friskies Research Kennels
A battery of psychologists
and educators testify to the
benefits of dog ownership for
children. Even the tiniest puppy
comes fully accredited to teach
youngsters the meaning of love,
devotion, courtesy, faith and
beauty. Through a puppy, a
child may also learn the meaning 
of anxiety, gof, loss and
injustice.
While the simple act of owning 
a pet will increase any
youngster's self confidence and
make him a VIP in the eyes of
his little friends, the chief reason 
parents generally buy their
child a pet is in the hope that
it will teach him self-discipline.
Walking, feeding and grooming
a dog will certainly impress
youngsters with a continuing
sense of responsibility, but it
won't happen overnight. An
automatic sense of duty doesn't
come wrapped in one small
puppy any more than getting a
new violin automatically equips
the child to play the instrument, 
concert style. It will take
practice to even play a scale
correctly, and so it will take
practice to remember to feed,
groom and exercise the new
puppy. To save the child from
embarrassment and the puppy
from neglect and to help them
grow and learn together, parents 
should supervise the
puppy's care.
* * *
 Dogs get set in
their eating ways, so start them
off right as puppies by giving
them a top grade of commercially 
prepared dog food such as
Friskies. It's healthier for them,
easier for you.

CHILDREN AND DOGS
By Bob Bartos
Manager, Friskies Research Kennels
A battery of psychologists
and educators testify to the
benefits of dog ownership for
children. Even the tiniest puppy
comes fully accredited to teach
youngsters the meaning of love,
devotion, courtesy, faith and
beauty. Through a puppy, a
child may also learn the meaning 
of anxiety, gof, loss and
injustice.
While the simple act of owning 
a pet will increase any
youngster's self confidence and
make him a VIP in the eyes of
his little friends, the chief reason 
parents generally buy their
child a pet is in the hope that
it will teach him self-discipline.
Walking, feeding and grooming
a dog will certainly impress
youngsters with a continuing
sense of responsibility, but it
won't happen overnight. An
automatic sense of duty doesn't
come wrapped in one small
puppy any more than getting a
new violin automatically equips
the child to play the instrument, 
concert style. It will take
practice to even play a scale
correctly, and so it will take
practice to remember to feed,
groom and exercise the new
puppy. To save the child from
embarrassment and the puppy
from neglect and to help them
grow and learn together, parents 
should supervise the
puppy's care.
* * *
 Dogs get set in
their eating ways, so start them
off right as puppies by giving
them a top grade of commercially 
prepared dog food such as
Friskies. It's healthier for them,
easier for you.

MEALTIME MELODIES!
Ground beef is a good old stand
by. It is a budget saver true
enough. But
along with that
important quality 
it is just plain
good eating and
it blends well
with other ingredients. 
Take for
example with
ground beef fixed 
tamale style–
that's dressing
the meat up with
garlic, onions,
and tomato sauce
chile powder and
ripe olives. Top
this "Easy Tamale Bake" with
grated cheese and corn chips and
serve it with "Fruited Slaw."
This makes a wonderful television
or patio meal.
1 cup ripe olives
1 clove garlic
2 medium - size onions
1 pound ground beef
1 tablespoon butter
2 (8-ounce) cans tomato sauce
1 cup water
1 tablespoon chile powder
1 teaspoon salt
1-4 teaspoon pepper
1 tablespoon flour
2 tablespoons cold water
2 cups corn chips
2 cups grated American Cheese
Cut olives in large pieces. Mince
garlic and chop onion. Brown beef
in butter. Add garlic and chile
powder, salt and pepper, and simmer 
about 20 minutes. Make paste
of flour and 2 tablespoons cold
water and stir into meat mixture.
Add olives, and cook until thickened, 
stirring frequently. Crush corn
chips lightly and arrange in layers
in a casserole with meat sauce and
cheese, ending with a laver of chips
and cheese. Bake in moderate oven
(350 Degrees F.) about 25 to 30
minutes.
Makes about 5 to 6 servings
A little variety in salads adds a
great deal of eating interest to a
meal. Try this "Fruited Slaw" with
your "Easy Tamale Bake." You'll
enjoy sweet chewy raisins and tart

orange sections added to a crisp
cabbage salad, and the sour cream
dressing is delicious.
1-2 cup light or dark raisins
1 medium-size orange
3 cups finely shredded cabbage
1-2 cup commercial sour cream
2 tablespoon sugar
1 tablespoon fresh lemon juice
1-2 teaspoon salt
1-4 teaspoon dry mustard
Cover raisins with boiling water
and let stand 5 to 10 minutes, until 
plump. Drain and cool. Pare and
section orange, and cut each section 
in 2 or 3 pieces. Combine
raisins, orange and cabbage. Blend
sour cream, sugar lemon juice, salt
and mustard, and toss lightly with
cabbage mixture.
Makes 4 to 6 servings.

EASY TAMALE BAKE
Ground beef is a good old stand
by. It is a budget saver true
enough. But
along with that
important quality 
it is just plain
good eating and
it blends well
with other ingredients. 
Take for
example with
ground beef fixed 
tamale style–
that's dressing
the meat up with
garlic, onions,
and tomato sauce
chile powder and
ripe olives. Top
this "Easy Tamale Bake" with
grated cheese and corn chips and
serve it with "Fruited Slaw."
This makes a wonderful television
or patio meal.
1 cup ripe olives
1 clove garlic
2 medium - size onions
1 pound ground beef
1 tablespoon butter
2 (8-ounce) cans tomato sauce
1 cup water
1 tablespoon chile powder
1 teaspoon salt
1-4 teaspoon pepper
1 tablespoon flour
2 tablespoons cold water
2 cups corn chips
2 cups grated American Cheese
Cut olives in large pieces. Mince
garlic and chop onion. Brown beef
in butter. Add garlic and chile
powder, salt and pepper, and simmer 
about 20 minutes. Make paste
of flour and 2 tablespoons cold
water and stir into meat mixture.
Add olives, and cook until thickened, 
stirring frequently. Crush corn
chips lightly and arrange in layers
in a casserole with meat sauce and
cheese, ending with a laver of chips
and cheese. Bake in moderate oven
(350 Degrees F.) about 25 to 30
minutes.
Makes about 5 to 6 servings
A little variety in salads adds a
great deal of eating interest to a
meal. Try this "Fruited Slaw" with
your "Easy Tamale Bake." You'll
enjoy sweet chewy raisins and tart

orange sections added to a crisp
cabbage salad, and the sour cream
dressing is delicious.
1-2 cup light or dark raisins
1 medium-size orange
3 cups finely shredded cabbage
1-2 cup commercial sour cream
2 tablespoon sugar
1 tablespoon fresh lemon juice
1-2 teaspoon salt
1-4 teaspoon dry mustard
Cover raisins with boiling water
and let stand 5 to 10 minutes, until 
plump. Drain and cool. Pare and
section orange, and cut each section 
in 2 or 3 pieces. Combine
raisins, orange and cabbage. Blend
sour cream, sugar lemon juice, salt
and mustard, and toss lightly with
cabbage mixture.
Makes 4 to 6 servings.

FRUITED SLAW
Ground beef is a good old stand
by. It is a budget saver true
enough. But
along with that
important quality 
it is just plain
good eating and
it blends well
with other ingredients. 
Take for
example with
ground beef fixed 
tamale style–
that's dressing
the meat up with
garlic, onions,
and tomato sauce
chile powder and
ripe olives. Top
this "Easy Tamale Bake" with
grated cheese and corn chips and
serve it with "Fruited Slaw."
This makes a wonderful television
or patio meal.
1 cup ripe olives
1 clove garlic
2 medium - size onions
1 pound ground beef
1 tablespoon butter
2 (8-ounce) cans tomato sauce
1 cup water
1 tablespoon chile powder
1 teaspoon salt
1-4 teaspoon pepper
1 tablespoon flour
2 tablespoons cold water
2 cups corn chips
2 cups grated American Cheese
Cut olives in large pieces. Mince
garlic and chop onion. Brown beef
in butter. Add garlic and chile
powder, salt and pepper, and simmer 
about 20 minutes. Make paste
of flour and 2 tablespoons cold
water and stir into meat mixture.
Add olives, and cook until thickened, 
stirring frequently. Crush corn
chips lightly and arrange in layers
in a casserole with meat sauce and
cheese, ending with a laver of chips
and cheese. Bake in moderate oven
(350 Degrees F.) about 25 to 30
minutes.
Makes about 5 to 6 servings
A little variety in salads adds a
great deal of eating interest to a
meal. Try this "Fruited Slaw" with
your "Easy Tamale Bake." You'll
enjoy sweet chewy raisins and tart

orange sections added to a crisp
cabbage salad, and the sour cream
dressing is delicious.
1-2 cup light or dark raisins
1 medium-size orange
3 cups finely shredded cabbage
1-2 cup commercial sour cream
2 tablespoon sugar
1 tablespoon fresh lemon juice
1-2 teaspoon salt
1-4 teaspoon dry mustard
Cover raisins with boiling water
and let stand 5 to 10 minutes, until 
plump. Drain and cool. Pare and
section orange, and cut each section 
in 2 or 3 pieces. Combine
raisins, orange and cabbage. Blend
sour cream, sugar lemon juice, salt
and mustard, and toss lightly with
cabbage mixture.
Makes 4 to 6 servings.

JAMES KEENE'S powerful new novel
JUSTICE, MY BROTHER!
© Copyright 1957, by James Keene; reprinted by permission of the novel's publisher, 
House Inc.: distributed by King Features Syndicate.
"WHAT the devil do you think
you're doing?" Cord asked
as he looked from Luther's bloody
face to mine.
Ma's hands were fluttering and
her face was wrinkled like she
was going to cry. "Fighting. Oh,
my goodness, just look at you.
Just look."
Cord gave me a shake. "Smoke,
I asked you something."
"Just an argument," I said,
then looked at Luther. "Sorry."
He stared as though he couldn't
make up his mind whether or not
to let this pass. Then he said,
"Me too. Smoke Did I hurt you?"
Actually it was the other way
around. I had a nice bruise on
my jaw but Luther had two
choice cuts on his face, both
bleeding a little. Then he laughed
and wiped the back of his hand
across them and Cord let us go.
He turned and took Ma's arm and
walked back to the house with
her.
Luther waited until they were
both out of earshot, then said, "I
don't know what got into me.
Smoke. Just had to hit something." 

"Yeah," I said. "I guess you
did"
Luther picked up his saddle
from the floor and went to the
stall for his horse. When he was
mounted and ready to leave, I
asked. "Where'll I say you've
gone?"
He pursed his tips for a moment. 
"Out." He lifted his reins.
"And I can't say when I'll be
back. I may ride over to Rindo's
Springs and see Heck Overland."
I watched him ride out in the
direction of Wade Everett's place,
then went to the house. Cord was
in the parlor reading a monthold 
magazine. As usual, Ma was
baking something for supper.
She looked at me quickly and
said. "You shouldn't fight with
your brother, Smoke. Haven't I
taught you to hold your temper?"
"It wasn't anything," I said.
"When two brothers try to
bloody each other," she said, "it's
usually something. Was that
Luther that just rode out?"
"Yep."
"He's a restless boy. I wish he
was steadier, like Cord." She
gave me a smile. "You're a restless 
boy too, Smoke. You yearn
a lot. What for, I'll never know.
As long as we have each other,
we have everything."
"I guess, Ma."
The kitchen was hot so I went
out to stand on the back porch.
I could see the fringe of cottonwoods 
along the river, and as I
watched, I recognized Julie Hageman's 
pony long before I could
make out her exact features. I

left the porch and walked out into
the yard, meeting her.
She pulled to a halt and stepped
down. Sweat was bright on her
face and had soaked her white
shirtwaist around the shoulders.
"Smoke, is Cord, at home?"
I should have known she hadn't
come to see me. "Yeah," I said
and led the way to the house.
She tied her pony at the porch
and I held the door open for her.
Ma come out of the kitchen to
see  it was; she seemed surprised. 
Cord lifted his head when
we came into the parlor, then he
put his magazine aside and stood
up, smiling. "I didn't expect this
pleasure." he said. "Can't I get
you something, Julie?"
"No thank you," she said. "I
had to come and talk to you,
Cord."
"Well, I'm sure glad you did,"
he said, taking her arm. He gave
me a look that bade me find
somewhere else to stand, but I
didn't budge an inch. I stood in
the archway while Julie sat down.
"Cord, it was hard for Bill to
say what he meant. And you
didn't make it any easier for
him."
"A man does what he thinks
best," Cord said. "Do yon mean
to say it for him?"
"Perhaps," Julie said. "I want
you to come with me, Cord. To
go around to Vince Randolf and
Wade Everett and all the others.
I want you to leave your gun at
home and talk nice to them. I
think it's important that you
make friends with the farmers, or
at least try to."
Cord frowned. "You're asking a
lot of me, Julie. These people
might take friendship for weakness." 

"That's a chance you'll have to
take," she said. "Please, Cord.
Do this much for me."
"Well, I'd do a lot for you, Julie,
but this, I don't know. I was figuring 
to go to town today.
Couldn't we make it some other
time?"
"There may not be much more
time," she said. "Cord, what I'm
asking is fair."
"Fair to Bingham and Randolf
and Everett, but not fair to me."
He paused as though considering
this. "Julie, when I lose a calf I
can't help but wonder if it hasn't
gone on one of the farmers' tables.
Was they to rile me a bit, I might
suggest that to their faces."
"You won't go then?"
"I can't," he said finally. "Sorry,
Julie. Anything else but that.
Cattle and farmers don't mix.
They wouldn't listen to me."
"Is this your final answer,
Cord?"
"It has to be. Now if you'll
excuse me?" He went to desk
and picked up his gunbelt. After

buckling it on, he put on his hat.
"You're pretty, Julie. One of
these days I'm going to have to
tell you how pretty."
He edged past me and went
out to the barn. Julie sat in the
chair, her hands idly brushing the
arms. There was defeat in her
voice. "I tried, Smoke. I thought
he liked me enough to do it."
"Cord keeps his likes separate
from his wants," I said, sort of
letting it out before I thought.
She looked at me sharply.
"What are yon trying to say,
Smoke?"
"Not trying to say anything," I
assured her. I wished she'd stop
looking at me that way, as though
she were measuring me for something. 

"Smoke, did you ever do anything 
that Cord didn't want
done?"
"Sometimes. And I've been
whaled proper for it."
Cord rode out and Julie and I
remained quiet until the sound of
his horse faded. The house was
silent except for Edna moving
about in her room and Ma humming 
in the kitchen.
Julie left the chair and came
close to me, so she wouldn't have
to talk so loud, I guess. "Smoke,
would you go with me? Would
you speak for Cord?"
The idea left me a little numb;
I'd crossed Cord before, but never
like this. "You heard him speak."
I said. "Whatever I could say
would be a lie."
"Not a lie and you know it.
Smoke, I think you agree with
Bill."
"That could be," I admitted.
"Cord will raise hell when he
finds out I've overstepped my
authority."
"What can he do if you're
right?" She put her hand on my
arm. "What can he really do it
we bring the farmers a little
closer, make them understand
that we're up against it as well
as they are? Smoke, you believe
in this, don't you?"
"Yeah," I said. Why fight it;
this was what I asked myself.
"All right, I'll go along with
you."
She put her arms around me
real quick and gave me a kiss
that didn't last very long, but
made me feel a little weak and
lightheaded. For a long time I'd
thought about this particular moment, 
and now that it had come
and gone, I felt a little regret
because it had taken me by surprise 
and I hadn't had a chance
to really appreciate it.


CHAPTER 15
© Copyright 1957, by James Keene; reprinted by permission of the novel's publisher, 
House Inc.: distributed by King Features Syndicate.
"WHAT the devil do you think
you're doing?" Cord asked
as he looked from Luther's bloody
face to mine.
Ma's hands were fluttering and
her face was wrinkled like she
was going to cry. "Fighting. Oh,
my goodness, just look at you.
Just look."
Cord gave me a shake. "Smoke,
I asked you something."
"Just an argument," I said,
then looked at Luther. "Sorry."
He stared as though he couldn't
make up his mind whether or not
to let this pass. Then he said,
"Me too. Smoke Did I hurt you?"
Actually it was the other way
around. I had a nice bruise on
my jaw but Luther had two
choice cuts on his face, both
bleeding a little. Then he laughed
and wiped the back of his hand
across them and Cord let us go.
He turned and took Ma's arm and
walked back to the house with
her.
Luther waited until they were
both out of earshot, then said, "I
don't know what got into me.
Smoke. Just had to hit something." 

"Yeah," I said. "I guess you
did"
Luther picked up his saddle
from the floor and went to the
stall for his horse. When he was
mounted and ready to leave, I
asked. "Where'll I say you've
gone?"
He pursed his tips for a moment. 
"Out." He lifted his reins.
"And I can't say when I'll be
back. I may ride over to Rindo's
Springs and see Heck Overland."
I watched him ride out in the
direction of Wade Everett's place,
then went to the house. Cord was
in the parlor reading a monthold 
magazine. As usual, Ma was
baking something for supper.
She looked at me quickly and
said. "You shouldn't fight with
your brother, Smoke. Haven't I
taught you to hold your temper?"
"It wasn't anything," I said.
"When two brothers try to
bloody each other," she said, "it's
usually something. Was that
Luther that just rode out?"
"Yep."
"He's a restless boy. I wish he
was steadier, like Cord." She
gave me a smile. "You're a restless 
boy too, Smoke. You yearn
a lot. What for, I'll never know.
As long as we have each other,
we have everything."
"I guess, Ma."
The kitchen was hot so I went
out to stand on the back porch.
I could see the fringe of cottonwoods 
along the river, and as I
watched, I recognized Julie Hageman's 
pony long before I could
make out her exact features. I

left the porch and walked out into
the yard, meeting her.
She pulled to a halt and stepped
down. Sweat was bright on her
face and had soaked her white
shirtwaist around the shoulders.
"Smoke, is Cord, at home?"
I should have known she hadn't
come to see me. "Yeah," I said
and led the way to the house.
She tied her pony at the porch
and I held the door open for her.
Ma come out of the kitchen to
see  it was; she seemed surprised. 
Cord lifted his head when
we came into the parlor, then he
put his magazine aside and stood
up, smiling. "I didn't expect this
pleasure." he said. "Can't I get
you something, Julie?"
"No thank you," she said. "I
had to come and talk to you,
Cord."
"Well, I'm sure glad you did,"
he said, taking her arm. He gave
me a look that bade me find
somewhere else to stand, but I
didn't budge an inch. I stood in
the archway while Julie sat down.
"Cord, it was hard for Bill to
say what he meant. And you
didn't make it any easier for
him."
"A man does what he thinks
best," Cord said. "Do yon mean
to say it for him?"
"Perhaps," Julie said. "I want
you to come with me, Cord. To
go around to Vince Randolf and
Wade Everett and all the others.
I want you to leave your gun at
home and talk nice to them. I
think it's important that you
make friends with the farmers, or
at least try to."
Cord frowned. "You're asking a
lot of me, Julie. These people
might take friendship for weakness." 

"That's a chance you'll have to
take," she said. "Please, Cord.
Do this much for me."
"Well, I'd do a lot for you, Julie,
but this, I don't know. I was figuring 
to go to town today.
Couldn't we make it some other
time?"
"There may not be much more
time," she said. "Cord, what I'm
asking is fair."
"Fair to Bingham and Randolf
and Everett, but not fair to me."
He paused as though considering
this. "Julie, when I lose a calf I
can't help but wonder if it hasn't
gone on one of the farmers' tables.
Was they to rile me a bit, I might
suggest that to their faces."
"You won't go then?"
"I can't," he said finally. "Sorry,
Julie. Anything else but that.
Cattle and farmers don't mix.
They wouldn't listen to me."
"Is this your final answer,
Cord?"
"It has to be. Now if you'll
excuse me?" He went to desk
and picked up his gunbelt. After

buckling it on, he put on his hat.
"You're pretty, Julie. One of
these days I'm going to have to
tell you how pretty."
He edged past me and went
out to the barn. Julie sat in the
chair, her hands idly brushing the
arms. There was defeat in her
voice. "I tried, Smoke. I thought
he liked me enough to do it."
"Cord keeps his likes separate
from his wants," I said, sort of
letting it out before I thought.
She looked at me sharply.
"What are yon trying to say,
Smoke?"
"Not trying to say anything," I
assured her. I wished she'd stop
looking at me that way, as though
she were measuring me for something. 

"Smoke, did you ever do anything 
that Cord didn't want
done?"
"Sometimes. And I've been
whaled proper for it."
Cord rode out and Julie and I
remained quiet until the sound of
his horse faded. The house was
silent except for Edna moving
about in her room and Ma humming 
in the kitchen.
Julie left the chair and came
close to me, so she wouldn't have
to talk so loud, I guess. "Smoke,
would you go with me? Would
you speak for Cord?"
The idea left me a little numb;
I'd crossed Cord before, but never
like this. "You heard him speak."
I said. "Whatever I could say
would be a lie."
"Not a lie and you know it.
Smoke, I think you agree with
Bill."
"That could be," I admitted.
"Cord will raise hell when he
finds out I've overstepped my
authority."
"What can he do if you're
right?" She put her hand on my
arm. "What can he really do it
we bring the farmers a little
closer, make them understand
that we're up against it as well
as they are? Smoke, you believe
in this, don't you?"
"Yeah," I said. Why fight it;
this was what I asked myself.
"All right, I'll go along with
you."
She put her arms around me
real quick and gave me a kiss
that didn't last very long, but
made me feel a little weak and
lightheaded. For a long time I'd
thought about this particular moment, 
and now that it had come
and gone, I felt a little regret
because it had taken me by surprise 
and I hadn't had a chance
to really appreciate it.


Immunity Of

Court.
On the matter of the membership 
list, Harlan said:
"We hold that the immunity
from State scrutiny of membership 
lists which the Association
claims oh behalf of its members
is here so related to the right of
the members to pursue their lawful 
private interest privately and
to associate freely with others in
so doing as to come within the
protection of the 14th Amendment." 

The heavy contempt fine was
levied after the NAACP refused
to show its membership lists, on
ground that public knowledge of
the names might lead to reprisals.
The fine was levied by Circuit
Judge Walter B. Jones in Montgomery, 
Ala., last year. Jones recently 
refused to disqualify himself
from acting as judge in another
hearing involving the NAACP.
The state used as the basis for
its attempt to drive the organization 
from Alabama its failure to
register as a corporation.
In a brief filed with the court
last year, the NAACP dwelled
largely on what it called the "climate 
in Alabama."
"The case cannot be properly
considered without being viewed
against the background and setting
in which it arose," the NAACP
stated. "Alabama officials in responsible 
positions have set the
tone and pattern for local governmental 
officials, civic leaders,
educators, parents and citizens in
voicing bitter opposition to any
change in the state policy and the
pattern of racial segregation, regardless 
of any requirements of
the United States Constitution."

NAACP NAMES SECRET

Court.
On the matter of the membership 
list, Harlan said:
"We hold that the immunity
from State scrutiny of membership 
lists which the Association
claims oh behalf of its members
is here so related to the right of
the members to pursue their lawful 
private interest privately and
to associate freely with others in
so doing as to come within the
protection of the 14th Amendment." 

The heavy contempt fine was
levied after the NAACP refused
to show its membership lists, on
ground that public knowledge of
the names might lead to reprisals.
The fine was levied by Circuit
Judge Walter B. Jones in Montgomery, 
Ala., last year. Jones recently 
refused to disqualify himself
from acting as judge in another
hearing involving the NAACP.
The state used as the basis for
its attempt to drive the organization 
from Alabama its failure to
register as a corporation.
In a brief filed with the court
last year, the NAACP dwelled
largely on what it called the "climate 
in Alabama."
"The case cannot be properly
considered without being viewed
against the background and setting
in which it arose," the NAACP
stated. "Alabama officials in responsible 
positions have set the
tone and pattern for local governmental 
officials, civic leaders,
educators, parents and citizens in
voicing bitter opposition to any
change in the state policy and the
pattern of racial segregation, regardless 
of any requirements of
the United States Constitution."

ALABAMA BACKGROUND

Court.
On the matter of the membership 
list, Harlan said:
"We hold that the immunity
from State scrutiny of membership 
lists which the Association
claims oh behalf of its members
is here so related to the right of
the members to pursue their lawful 
private interest privately and
to associate freely with others in
so doing as to come within the
protection of the 14th Amendment." 

The heavy contempt fine was
levied after the NAACP refused
to show its membership lists, on
ground that public knowledge of
the names might lead to reprisals.
The fine was levied by Circuit
Judge Walter B. Jones in Montgomery, 
Ala., last year. Jones recently 
refused to disqualify himself
from acting as judge in another
hearing involving the NAACP.
The state used as the basis for
its attempt to drive the organization 
from Alabama its failure to
register as a corporation.
In a brief filed with the court
last year, the NAACP dwelled
largely on what it called the "climate 
in Alabama."
"The case cannot be properly
considered without being viewed
against the background and setting
in which it arose," the NAACP
stated. "Alabama officials in responsible 
positions have set the
tone and pattern for local governmental 
officials, civic leaders,
educators, parents and citizens in
voicing bitter opposition to any
change in the state policy and the
pattern of racial segregation, regardless 
of any requirements of
the United States Constitution."

SHIFT IN STATUS SET
Britain has agreed to
terms for the transformation of
the colony of Singapore into a
self-governing state similar to a
protectorate.
The terms provide for Britain
to retain responsibility for Singapore's 
defense and foreign affairs
and ultimate authority over the
island's internal security. The
change in Singapore's status is to
take place by March, 1959.

MEMPHIS WORLD
Deadline For Classified Ad Is
Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and
Saturday for Wednesday's Edition

Want Ad Information
Call JA. 6-4030
Deadline For Classified Ad Is
Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and
Saturday for Wednesday's Edition

FURNITURE FOR SALE
Seven-piece Dinette Suite, Roll-A
-Way Bed, Studio Couch and other
miscellaneous furniture, reasonable.
Phone GL 2-6462.

FEMALE HELP WANTED
WOMEN SEW Easy Ready-cut
wrap a-round Aprons home. Earn
$26.16 Dozen — Spare Time Write:
Accurate MFGR'S, Freeport, N. Y.

SCHOOLS
MEMPHIS FIRST
DONNA LYNN SCHOOL
OF CHARM
Courses Offered In
Charm, Beauty, Voice Development,
Fine Arts
For Women and Teenagers
JA. 3-1578 — Night & Day

SATURDAY EMPLOYMENT
Negro men for collecting and selling
on route. Salary. Must have car.
Kay Mercantile Co., 776 Poplar.

FOR RENT
FURNISHED Rooms for single
man, woman or couple.
Kitchen Privileges
Phone JA. 6-1746.

BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES
MEN WITH VISION
Written up in FORTUNE, BUSINESS 
WEEK, and OPPORTUNITY
magazines.
Own your own depression-proof
business in a booming service industry. 
Make $12,000 your first
year, build equity to $25,000 in 5
years. We train you.... We start
you off with orders to more than
cover your small investment. We
supply volume of leads that assure
your growth. National Advertising.
Will help finance. Earn $4 per hour
while learning, even part-time.
Write Dept. B. O. care of Memphis
World, 546 Beale St., Memphis,
Tenn.

PRINTING
If you want to enter the Printing
Business, yon can share ay Machine. 
Call JA. 7-6246