Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1950-01-24 Lewis O. Swingler MEMPHIS WORLD The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every TUESDAY and FRIDAY at 164 BEALE—Phone 8-4030 Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1879 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II. Founder, C. A. Scott, General Manager LEWIS O. SWINGLER Editor A. G. SHIELDS, Jr. Advertising Manager The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper—non sectarian and non-partisan printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to the interest of its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Year $5.00—6 Months $3.00—3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) Schools Must Teach Highway Safety The greatest opportunity to reduce traffic accidents lies with proper education of the youth. The carnage on the highways will continue until a new generation of more thoughtful and more careful drivers is brought on. Young people must be educated in the principles of safe-driving at a time when they are approaching the legal driving age. Manifestly the school is the place to begin the training, although the home has an important part to play. Basically the young need to be taught that the right to operate a motor vehicle on the public highways is a right that can be given or withheld. It is a privilege that to be retained requires a conscious and constant regard for the rights of others. The right to operate a motor vehicle carries with it the solemn obligation to at all time preserve the rights and protect the safety of other highway users. With the rapid increase in the number of motor vehicles in use and the increased density of traffic, safety becomes a more vital problem. It is going to have to receive more serious and more determined attention than it has had in the past. If the oncoming generation of drivers can be made to realize that their right to use the highways is conditioned of their due and proper regard for the rights and safety of others, we will have made a big advance in accident prevention. Highway patrolmen are important and necessary but a safety program instilled in the home and taught in the school can be made, to make new drivers more, safety conscious and more considerate of the rights of others. The motor vehicle is of incalculable benefit to mankind but it can become an instrument of death and destruction in the hands of careless or unqualified operators. A constant, unending campaign of education offers the best hope of making the streets and highways reasonably safe. (The Evening Herald Courier, Bristol) Circling The Bases With The Red Sox By "GOOSE" CURRY Manager, Memphis Red Sox Club The Memphis Red Sox fans will have a treat with their beautiful Martin Stadium overlooking Crump Boulevard this 1950 season, and with a new face-lifting job to beautify the entrance, with this I know the fans will be happy. The fans of Memphis have always been loyal to the Red Sox and I think they always will be. As I was circling the boxes one of the great ball players and former Red soxer happened to be at bat. What do you know? None other than Martin. "Texas" Carter and the fans remember him by his all time hustle and that old fight on the ball field and Carter is a real gentleman on the streets. Ball players may come and ball players may go but fans always praise Carter. I know Carter will always be the same. The 1950 Red Sox will have some thing new, the uniform touch will be different and that is what I mean by being 'Nifty in Fifty.' Fans ask me questions everyday about the Red Sox for the coming season. They are really anxious to see the Red Sox roster for '50. I have been asked times after times what about the great lefthand pitchers and who I thought the greatest Speaking of the great Carl Glass and the late Bill Glispic and Son. "Mound Bavou" Harvey and don't forget a kid by the name of Verdel "Booker T. Washington" Math's. What I will have to do is call in the daddy as I have called him the daddy of the Red Sox catching staff of yesteryear and I am talking about the same man. Mr. Larry Brown better known as "Mr. Catcher." Well the bases are getting crowded and I will have to try to get somebody around and who do you think is looking around at me? Daddy Lowe and with a hitter like Lowe, as you fans will recall, do you think I'll get a run? We are hoping that we can find another Pop Lowe. So long readers. Watch the Red Sox and don't forget we'll see you on the bases. Woodstock Dots The Woodstock Aggies and Lassies, widely known basketball teams of Woodstock School, opened their round of conference games with their eyes set on the basket. The Aggies are "Red Hot," having played six games (Three conference and winning all of them, the Aggies have to their credit 361 Points. The Lassies have met two defeats thus far. Coach Hewitt has a tough and rugged schedule for both teams this season. The powerful Pearl High of Nashville, Tenn., were seen in action on the Woodstock Gym floor Saturday night, Feb 28. The Aggies and Lassies meet the mighty Allen White Bears in the "Annual Homecoming Game, on Feb 7. The Somerville Tigers will invade Wood stock territory on the 10th of February. These are a few of the many outstanding games scheduled for this season. Principal R. J. Roddy, faculty, student body and Athletic committee cordially invite you to come out and share with them contest of "physical fitness and skill." For information contact Robert Hewitt, Coach; Mrs. A. T. Williams, Secretary of Athletics or R. J. Roddy, principal. How They Missouri; Dworshak, Idaho; Ecton Montana; Ferguson, Michigan; Gurney, South Dakota; Hendrickson, New Jersey; Jenner, Indiana; Langer. North Dakota; Martin PennSylvania; Mundt, South Dakota; Thye. Minnesota; Vandenberg, Michigan; Watkins, Utah; Young North Dakota. Paired for the motion to table; Robertson Virginia; Saltonstall, Massachusetts; Morse, Oregon. Paired against the motion; McCarhy, Wisconsin; Hickenlooper, Iowa; Wiley, Wisconsin. Absent but announced as being for the motion; Byrd, Virginia; Chapman, Kentucky; Stennis, Mississippi, Kerry, Oklahoma; Connally, Texas, Hunt, Wyoming. Absent but announced as being against Wherry, Nebraska. On the motion of Senator Lucas to table Senator Langer's motion to take up the FEPC bill, Gurney, Mundt, Vandenberg and Watkins switched from nay to yea; Cordon, and Flanders switched from yea to nay, an Brewster, Darby. Knowland and McMahon did not vote. Lucas's motion was adopted 59 to 17. Miss. Farm west of Monticello. They have three daughters. Allean, graduate of Alcorn College is now home economics instructor in Clarksdale Highschool, where the youngest son, Lenwood, is a senior, David Jr., the fourth child is in his third year at Western University, Kalamazoo, Mich. J. H. Carr, Lawrence county FHA supervisor said of Robinson; "Here is a man Lawrence is proud of. He is pulling himself up by his own boot straps." The family is well though of by members of both races in their community. With most of the family away or married. Robinson and his wife farm 33 of the 133 acres owned. They made more than 250 barrels of corn this year and exceeded that when his children were home to help. They also made 86 gallons of pure ribbon cane syrup for sale and home use. Livestock includes two mules, three milk cows, several calves and a large flock of chickens. David says his success has been due to better farm practices and cooperation with all the agricultural agencies serving Lawrence county. He has been chairman of the trustee board of the local school for the past 23 years, deacon of his church and works closely with County Agent. R. C. Page. His wife is secretary of the Monticello Club of Home Demonstrators and a tireless church worker. Their new home will be built largely by his own labor and will have running water, lights bath, modern kitchen, telephone and all conveniences. Poor Joe- just doesn't know– He's run down, tired all the time, feels sluggish, too. His low blood count is responsible. He doesn't know what thousands since 1879 have found out: that S.S.S. Tonic may help him enjoy new energy and pep! S.S.S. goes straight to work where these trouble often begin, by energizing the body with rich, red blood. Get welcome relife for yourself with S.S.S. today. At all drug stores: Family size, $2. Regular size, $1.25. S.S.S. Destroy The Monster RELIGIOUS RACIAL COLOR HATRED Nab Hit-Run saying. Meanwhile, the woman companion said she questioned him about the "bump" several times since the occurrence and quoted Hill as saying. "You're scared to death. Don't you know if I had hit a child I wouldn't be dirty enough to put her on a sidewalk and drive away." City hit-run investigators had worked relentlessly in connection with the hit-run report. The Greater Atlanta Safety Council had joined the search for the suspect in posting a $100 reward for information leading to the arrest and conviction of the death car's driver. Cook County of the city's case, the association's brief states. "Under the City's theory, if a person had committed and had been convicted of the most heinous of crime imaginable and was taken by a mob and injured, because of the crimes, such injured criminal could maintain an action for his injuries against the City under the Act to suppress mob violence of 1905, while a honorable citizen, who had served his country as a soldier in war, could not recover from the city for injuries inflicted on him by a mob unlawfully seeking to prevent him, because of his race, from occupying an apartment rented to him as a veteran by the city's Housing Authority. The mere statement of the proceeding proposition shows how utterly unreasonable is the City's theory." REVIEWING THE NEWS By WILLIAM GORDON A recent news release stating that a reissued picture "Imitation of Life" has been banned by the Memphis Board of Censors, comes as no surprise to those acquainted with the long existing social patterns of certain areas of the deep South. Such a practice is all indicative of the narrow view some take in regard to our many American social problems created out of fear and delusion by those who would advocate a superior race. The picture "Imitation of Life" is a movie which had its advent on the American movie scene back during the early thirties, and whose characters depicted the Negro in some small fashion as a human being with a little self respect and dignity. It was not over sensational in its presentation, but displayed many a scene closely associated with the theme of American life. During its first appearance, non of the Memphis "high brow" seemed disturbed. All Memphis turned out to see the movie, and even during those hectic days of the depression and the advent of the "Roosevelt Democracy" people went about their business as normal human beings, not allowing themselves to be disturbed by race friction. Now almost a fifth of a century later, the fever of "white supremacy" becomes stimulated by the desire to keep Negroes molded into a certain pattern, never allowing them to be recognized as people judged on the basis of their intelligence and not on the basis of race or color. Lloyd T. Binford, chairman of the Board of Censors bases his argument on the idea that the picture "Illustrates some pretty strong things to the Negroes — that they are better than white people." There is a strong indication that Mr. Binford's feeling about "Imitation of Life" and other strong pictures of this nature is that they give Negroes too much respect along with displaying them on an equal level with whites, acting in similar capacities. We are aware of the fact that Mr. Binford has recently lost a court fight on movie banning, which has made Memphis and many other sections in the South look very ridiculous in the eyes of civilized areas. We are hoping that Mr. Binford finds a more logical excuse to ban "Imitation of Life" from appearing in Memphis than what he has used already. Such a statement is not at all representative of a per son acting on a basic reason, by one on emotion and prejudice. For a statement of this sort to be made by a man delegated to head a board of censors, gives us more of a feeling that there are still many parts of our commonwealth which remain untouched by advanced thinking and sections upon which education has had but little influence. Surely, such a statement did not represent a cross-section of the Memphis public which feels itself moving forward with the tide of progress. We are not surprised at Mr. Binford's actions and statement, but we are surprised that our civilized communities continue to harbor such an outmoded point of view. Banning "Imitation Of life" By WILLIAM GORDON A recent news release stating that a reissued picture "Imitation of Life" has been banned by the Memphis Board of Censors, comes as no surprise to those acquainted with the long existing social patterns of certain areas of the deep South. Such a practice is all indicative of the narrow view some take in regard to our many American social problems created out of fear and delusion by those who would advocate a superior race. The picture "Imitation of Life" is a movie which had its advent on the American movie scene back during the early thirties, and whose characters depicted the Negro in some small fashion as a human being with a little self respect and dignity. It was not over sensational in its presentation, but displayed many a scene closely associated with the theme of American life. During its first appearance, non of the Memphis "high brow" seemed disturbed. All Memphis turned out to see the movie, and even during those hectic days of the depression and the advent of the "Roosevelt Democracy" people went about their business as normal human beings, not allowing themselves to be disturbed by race friction. Now almost a fifth of a century later, the fever of "white supremacy" becomes stimulated by the desire to keep Negroes molded into a certain pattern, never allowing them to be recognized as people judged on the basis of their intelligence and not on the basis of race or color. Lloyd T. Binford, chairman of the Board of Censors bases his argument on the idea that the picture "Illustrates some pretty strong things to the Negroes — that they are better than white people." There is a strong indication that Mr. Binford's feeling about "Imitation of Life" and other strong pictures of this nature is that they give Negroes too much respect along with displaying them on an equal level with whites, acting in similar capacities. We are aware of the fact that Mr. Binford has recently lost a court fight on movie banning, which has made Memphis and many other sections in the South look very ridiculous in the eyes of civilized areas. We are hoping that Mr. Binford finds a more logical excuse to ban "Imitation of Life" from appearing in Memphis than what he has used already. Such a statement is not at all representative of a per son acting on a basic reason, by one on emotion and prejudice. For a statement of this sort to be made by a man delegated to head a board of censors, gives us more of a feeling that there are still many parts of our commonwealth which remain untouched by advanced thinking and sections upon which education has had but little influence. Surely, such a statement did not represent a cross-section of the Memphis public which feels itself moving forward with the tide of progress. We are not surprised at Mr. Binford's actions and statement, but we are surprised that our civilized communities continue to harbor such an outmoded point of view. Leading Law of Chicago Law School, the committee pointed out that the segregated law school was unequal in the following respects: 1 Texas contemplates a faculty of only four at the segregated law school but lists twenty-eight faculty members for the current year as its white school. (The Bulletin of the Texas State University for Negroes. School of Law, lists six faculty members, including the librarian, at the segregated schools. Although fewer faculty members may be able to give fewer students at the segregated school a greater proportion of time, the brief states it Will be the time of a jack-of-alltrades–not a specialist. Nor will the students have the benefit of the different faculty viewpoint so beneficial to the law student.' 2. Faculty quality at the segregated school will not be equal. Very small schools lack the inducements of those somewhat larger to obtain professors of equal distinction, the brief states. "There is little possibility of encountering a number of interested and interesting students in so small a school. Hence, the range of educational experimentation desired by the able teacher is virtually non-existent." The brief adds that "The University of Texas has many professors with names great in legal education. It is beyond belief that Texas (colored) can at any time in the predictable future acquire the services of their equals." 3. A minimal faculty results in minimal course offerings at the colored school. Well-staffed Texas (white) offered seventy-five-courses for the two semesters of the current academic year, Texas (colored) can offer no such variety. 4. Those inequalities are accenttuated by the lack of other facilities resulting from the exorbitant cost of attempting to furnish duplicate opportunities. The white school has a library, of 65,000 volumes, of which from 30,000 to 35,000 are duplicates. The segregated school according to the Bulletin of the Texas State University for Negroes contains 23,000 volumes The number of duplicates is not stated. The brief states that on the basis of pre-war prices it would cost the state of Texas $100,000 to obtain a library for the colored school equivalent to the size of the nonduplicate list of the while school, which Texas "shows no present intention of spending." 5. The segregated school gives its graduates an economic opportu nity inferior to that of the graduates of the white school. In addition to many economic difficulties Sweatt may meet as a colored man, he would acquire an unequal professional standing by graduation from a segregated law school. "Moreover, Texas (colored) is a raw, new institution not only with out prestige but without alumni. Texas thus deprives Sweatt of placement opportunities given to the graduates of the old, established school. 6. Work on a law review is considered a desirable part of training of good law students. The white school has an excellent review on which its students may aspire to serve. The segregated school cannot have a law review for lack of a sufficient number of topnotch students. 7. The training of moot court work depends in great measure on the equality of competition among groups of students. Moot court activities in the white school are based on such competition. Substantial numbers are necessary to create satisfactory competitive groups. 8. That part of a legal education which results from doing lawyer's work in a legal aid clinic requires for successful operation a sufficient number of competent students to manage and supervise the novices. "If legal education is something alive and vital, if the measure is not cubic feet of air space but the intellectual atmosphere within the walls, if law teachers are appraised as individual men of varying degrees of talent, if education is in large part association, if research and practice are part of the job of legal training, if segregation in law school warps and corrupts the mind and personality of man— if any of these things are true.' the committee maintains, "then certainly this Texas Negro institution is a mockery of legal education and of the equal protection of the laws. The committee of law professors, called the Committee of Law Teachers Against Segregation in Legal Education, delegated actual preparation of its brief to seven of its members. This group included Dean Erwin N. Griswold of Harvard Law School, Dean Harold Havighurst of Northwestern Law School, Prof. Thomas I. Emerson and Prof. John P. Frank of Yale Law School, Prof. Alexander H. Frey of Pennsylvania Law School, Prof Robert Hale of Columbia Law School, and Prof. Edward Levi of Chicago Law School. Prof. Emerson explained that the committee represented all shades of political opinion, and that it was financed entirely by the contributions of its members. "This is probably the first time that a large number of law professors have intervened in any case, he said. "However, segregation in legal education so squarely involves our profession that it was necessary for us to speak out, he added. GREAT NAMES of Chicago Law School, the committee pointed out that the segregated law school was unequal in the following respects: 1 Texas contemplates a faculty of only four at the segregated law school but lists twenty-eight faculty members for the current year as its white school. (The Bulletin of the Texas State University for Negroes. School of Law, lists six faculty members, including the librarian, at the segregated schools. Although fewer faculty members may be able to give fewer students at the segregated school a greater proportion of time, the brief states it Will be the time of a jack-of-alltrades–not a specialist. Nor will the students have the benefit of the different faculty viewpoint so beneficial to the law student.' 2. Faculty quality at the segregated school will not be equal. Very small schools lack the inducements of those somewhat larger to obtain professors of equal distinction, the brief states. "There is little possibility of encountering a number of interested and interesting students in so small a school. Hence, the range of educational experimentation desired by the able teacher is virtually non-existent." The brief adds that "The University of Texas has many professors with names great in legal education. It is beyond belief that Texas (colored) can at any time in the predictable future acquire the services of their equals." 3. A minimal faculty results in minimal course offerings at the colored school. Well-staffed Texas (white) offered seventy-five-courses for the two semesters of the current academic year, Texas (colored) can offer no such variety. 4. Those inequalities are accenttuated by the lack of other facilities resulting from the exorbitant cost of attempting to furnish duplicate opportunities. The white school has a library, of 65,000 volumes, of which from 30,000 to 35,000 are duplicates. The segregated school according to the Bulletin of the Texas State University for Negroes contains 23,000 volumes The number of duplicates is not stated. The brief states that on the basis of pre-war prices it would cost the state of Texas $100,000 to obtain a library for the colored school equivalent to the size of the nonduplicate list of the while school, which Texas "shows no present intention of spending." 5. The segregated school gives its graduates an economic opportu nity inferior to that of the graduates of the white school. In addition to many economic difficulties Sweatt may meet as a colored man, he would acquire an unequal professional standing by graduation from a segregated law school. "Moreover, Texas (colored) is a raw, new institution not only with out prestige but without alumni. Texas thus deprives Sweatt of placement opportunities given to the graduates of the old, established school. 6. Work on a law review is considered a desirable part of training of good law students. The white school has an excellent review on which its students may aspire to serve. The segregated school cannot have a law review for lack of a sufficient number of topnotch students. 7. The training of moot court work depends in great measure on the equality of competition among groups of students. Moot court activities in the white school are based on such competition. Substantial numbers are necessary to create satisfactory competitive groups. 8. That part of a legal education which results from doing lawyer's work in a legal aid clinic requires for successful operation a sufficient number of competent students to manage and supervise the novices. "If legal education is something alive and vital, if the measure is not cubic feet of air space but the intellectual atmosphere within the walls, if law teachers are appraised as individual men of varying degrees of talent, if education is in large part association, if research and practice are part of the job of legal training, if segregation in law school warps and corrupts the mind and personality of man— if any of these things are true.' the committee maintains, "then certainly this Texas Negro institution is a mockery of legal education and of the equal protection of the laws. The committee of law professors, called the Committee of Law Teachers Against Segregation in Legal Education, delegated actual preparation of its brief to seven of its members. This group included Dean Erwin N. Griswold of Harvard Law School, Dean Harold Havighurst of Northwestern Law School, Prof. Thomas I. Emerson and Prof. John P. Frank of Yale Law School, Prof. Alexander H. Frey of Pennsylvania Law School, Prof Robert Hale of Columbia Law School, and Prof. Edward Levi of Chicago Law School. Prof. Emerson explained that the committee represented all shades of political opinion, and that it was financed entirely by the contributions of its members. "This is probably the first time that a large number of law professors have intervened in any case, he said. "However, segregation in legal education so squarely involves our profession that it was necessary for us to speak out, he added. MOCKERY OF EDUCATION of Chicago Law School, the committee pointed out that the segregated law school was unequal in the following respects: 1 Texas contemplates a faculty of only four at the segregated law school but lists twenty-eight faculty members for the current year as its white school. (The Bulletin of the Texas State University for Negroes. School of Law, lists six faculty members, including the librarian, at the segregated schools. Although fewer faculty members may be able to give fewer students at the segregated school a greater proportion of time, the brief states it Will be the time of a jack-of-alltrades–not a specialist. Nor will the students have the benefit of the different faculty viewpoint so beneficial to the law student.' 2. Faculty quality at the segregated school will not be equal. Very small schools lack the inducements of those somewhat larger to obtain professors of equal distinction, the brief states. "There is little possibility of encountering a number of interested and interesting students in so small a school. Hence, the range of educational experimentation desired by the able teacher is virtually non-existent." The brief adds that "The University of Texas has many professors with names great in legal education. It is beyond belief that Texas (colored) can at any time in the predictable future acquire the services of their equals." 3. A minimal faculty results in minimal course offerings at the colored school. Well-staffed Texas (white) offered seventy-five-courses for the two semesters of the current academic year, Texas (colored) can offer no such variety. 4. Those inequalities are accenttuated by the lack of other facilities resulting from the exorbitant cost of attempting to furnish duplicate opportunities. The white school has a library, of 65,000 volumes, of which from 30,000 to 35,000 are duplicates. The segregated school according to the Bulletin of the Texas State University for Negroes contains 23,000 volumes The number of duplicates is not stated. The brief states that on the basis of pre-war prices it would cost the state of Texas $100,000 to obtain a library for the colored school equivalent to the size of the nonduplicate list of the while school, which Texas "shows no present intention of spending." 5. The segregated school gives its graduates an economic opportu nity inferior to that of the graduates of the white school. In addition to many economic difficulties Sweatt may meet as a colored man, he would acquire an unequal professional standing by graduation from a segregated law school. "Moreover, Texas (colored) is a raw, new institution not only with out prestige but without alumni. Texas thus deprives Sweatt of placement opportunities given to the graduates of the old, established school. 6. Work on a law review is considered a desirable part of training of good law students. The white school has an excellent review on which its students may aspire to serve. The segregated school cannot have a law review for lack of a sufficient number of topnotch students. 7. The training of moot court work depends in great measure on the equality of competition among groups of students. Moot court activities in the white school are based on such competition. Substantial numbers are necessary to create satisfactory competitive groups. 8. That part of a legal education which results from doing lawyer's work in a legal aid clinic requires for successful operation a sufficient number of competent students to manage and supervise the novices. "If legal education is something alive and vital, if the measure is not cubic feet of air space but the intellectual atmosphere within the walls, if law teachers are appraised as individual men of varying degrees of talent, if education is in large part association, if research and practice are part of the job of legal training, if segregation in law school warps and corrupts the mind and personality of man— if any of these things are true.' the committee maintains, "then certainly this Texas Negro institution is a mockery of legal education and of the equal protection of the laws. The committee of law professors, called the Committee of Law Teachers Against Segregation in Legal Education, delegated actual preparation of its brief to seven of its members. This group included Dean Erwin N. Griswold of Harvard Law School, Dean Harold Havighurst of Northwestern Law School, Prof. Thomas I. Emerson and Prof. John P. Frank of Yale Law School, Prof. Alexander H. Frey of Pennsylvania Law School, Prof Robert Hale of Columbia Law School, and Prof. Edward Levi of Chicago Law School. Prof. Emerson explained that the committee represented all shades of political opinion, and that it was financed entirely by the contributions of its members. "This is probably the first time that a large number of law professors have intervened in any case, he said. "However, segregation in legal education so squarely involves our profession that it was necessary for us to speak out, he added. Pvt. William Herndon With 24th Infantry WITH THE EIGHTH ARMY IN GIFU. JAPAN —Private William E. Herndon Jr., son of Mr. and Mrs. June Herndon of 978 McDonough Blvd., Atlanta, Ga., is a member of the 24th Infantry Regiment, now stationed at Gifu Japan. The 24th Infantry Regiment is a part of the 25th Infantry (Tropic Lighting) Division commanded by Major General William B. Kean. Private Herndon is a riflemen in Headquarters Company 3rd Battalion and recently departed Camp Gi for winter maneuvers at the base of Mt. Fuji, Japan's most famous mountain. Private Hendon entered the Army in November, 1948, received his basic training at Fort Knox, Kentucky and departed for overseas duty in February, 1949. COME OVER ON THE SUNNY BROOK Side! Consolidated Distributors Exclusive Distributors Memphis 65% Grain Neutral Spirits IN THE NATION'S CAPITAL AFTER THE SHOUTING and tumult of the National Emergency Civil Rights Mobilization has died down, the civil rights legislative program is no further advanced than before the mobilization. As a matter of fact, both Senator Scott W. Lucas, of Illinois, the Ma jority Leader, and Senator Hubert Humphrey, Democrat, of Minnesota, indicated that there is no intention of waging an all-out fight in this session of Congress for fair employment practice legislation. This is a Congressional election year. The seats of thirty-six Senators — thirteen Republicans and twenty-three Democrats — and the entire membership of the House are at stake, and members of Congress are anxious to get back home as early as possible to get out on the hustings. Moreover, civil rights is a good campaign issue. The strategy at this time appears to be for Senator Lucas to make a motion that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the FEPC bill. The Southerners will go into a filibuster. A cloture petition, signed by sixteen Senators, will be filed. The cloture motion will fail to get the required sixtyfour votes, and Senator Lucas will then make a motion to take up some other bill. The alibi for this procedure is being laid by Senator Lucas' telling civil rights groups, and the mobilization, that the so-called Wherry rule makes it impossible to get cloture and shut off debate. Out of seventy-four northern and border state Democrats and Republicans, it ought to be possible to get sixty-three votes to shut off debate (one Southerner, Senator Claude Pepper, of Florida, is pledged to vote for cloture). And if it is impossible to get cloture, as Senator Lucas says, it ought to be possible for seventy-six Senators to wear down the physical endurance of about fourteen Southern Senators who are physically fit to participate in a filibuster. There is one thing that civil righters ought to keep in mind When the Democratic and Republican Parties pledged themselves to enact civil rights legislation, including FEPC, the Senate had no effecttive cloture rule. The rule adopted in 1917 was not applicable to motions, and ever since 1922. When the Senate had up the Dyer antilynching bill, Southerners have used motions as the parliamentary device upon which to filibuster. Knowing this, then, in writing civil rights planks into their platforms were the two major political parties merely duping colored voters or did they intend to carry out their campaign promises. The legislative situation in the Senate during consideration of the oleomargarine bill presented the best possible chance for enactment of civil rights legislation that will develop in the present session of Congress. The oleo bill was the "pending measure" when Senator William Langer, Republican, of N. Dakota, offered the anti-lynching the anti-poll tax and the FEPC bills as amendments. But colored persons scuttled this chance to get record votes on these bills by sending telegrams to Senators stating that they were opposed to the passage of those bills as legislative riders. By so doing they invited support of motions to table the Langer amendments. The Senate has no rule of germaness except with respect to appropriation bills. That means that civil rights bills can be offered as riders to any legislation which may come up in the Senate. If Senator Lucas is correct in his statement that it is impossible to get cloture that is the only way civil rights legislation can get consideration it the Senate. No Advance AFTER THE SHOUTING and tumult of the National Emergency Civil Rights Mobilization has died down, the civil rights legislative program is no further advanced than before the mobilization. As a matter of fact, both Senator Scott W. Lucas, of Illinois, the Ma jority Leader, and Senator Hubert Humphrey, Democrat, of Minnesota, indicated that there is no intention of waging an all-out fight in this session of Congress for fair employment practice legislation. This is a Congressional election year. The seats of thirty-six Senators — thirteen Republicans and twenty-three Democrats — and the entire membership of the House are at stake, and members of Congress are anxious to get back home as early as possible to get out on the hustings. Moreover, civil rights is a good campaign issue. The strategy at this time appears to be for Senator Lucas to make a motion that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the FEPC bill. The Southerners will go into a filibuster. A cloture petition, signed by sixteen Senators, will be filed. The cloture motion will fail to get the required sixtyfour votes, and Senator Lucas will then make a motion to take up some other bill. The alibi for this procedure is being laid by Senator Lucas' telling civil rights groups, and the mobilization, that the so-called Wherry rule makes it impossible to get cloture and shut off debate. Out of seventy-four northern and border state Democrats and Republicans, it ought to be possible to get sixty-three votes to shut off debate (one Southerner, Senator Claude Pepper, of Florida, is pledged to vote for cloture). And if it is impossible to get cloture, as Senator Lucas says, it ought to be possible for seventy-six Senators to wear down the physical endurance of about fourteen Southern Senators who are physically fit to participate in a filibuster. There is one thing that civil righters ought to keep in mind When the Democratic and Republican Parties pledged themselves to enact civil rights legislation, including FEPC, the Senate had no effecttive cloture rule. The rule adopted in 1917 was not applicable to motions, and ever since 1922. When the Senate had up the Dyer antilynching bill, Southerners have used motions as the parliamentary device upon which to filibuster. Knowing this, then, in writing civil rights planks into their platforms were the two major political parties merely duping colored voters or did they intend to carry out their campaign promises. The legislative situation in the Senate during consideration of the oleomargarine bill presented the best possible chance for enactment of civil rights legislation that will develop in the present session of Congress. The oleo bill was the "pending measure" when Senator William Langer, Republican, of N. Dakota, offered the anti-lynching the anti-poll tax and the FEPC bills as amendments. But colored persons scuttled this chance to get record votes on these bills by sending telegrams to Senators stating that they were opposed to the passage of those bills as legislative riders. By so doing they invited support of motions to table the Langer amendments. The Senate has no rule of germaness except with respect to appropriation bills. That means that civil rights bills can be offered as riders to any legislation which may come up in the Senate. If Senator Lucas is correct in his statement that it is impossible to get cloture that is the only way civil rights legislation can get consideration it the Senate. LUCA'S ALIBI AFTER THE SHOUTING and tumult of the National Emergency Civil Rights Mobilization has died down, the civil rights legislative program is no further advanced than before the mobilization. As a matter of fact, both Senator Scott W. Lucas, of Illinois, the Ma jority Leader, and Senator Hubert Humphrey, Democrat, of Minnesota, indicated that there is no intention of waging an all-out fight in this session of Congress for fair employment practice legislation. This is a Congressional election year. The seats of thirty-six Senators — thirteen Republicans and twenty-three Democrats — and the entire membership of the House are at stake, and members of Congress are anxious to get back home as early as possible to get out on the hustings. Moreover, civil rights is a good campaign issue. The strategy at this time appears to be for Senator Lucas to make a motion that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the FEPC bill. The Southerners will go into a filibuster. A cloture petition, signed by sixteen Senators, will be filed. The cloture motion will fail to get the required sixtyfour votes, and Senator Lucas will then make a motion to take up some other bill. The alibi for this procedure is being laid by Senator Lucas' telling civil rights groups, and the mobilization, that the so-called Wherry rule makes it impossible to get cloture and shut off debate. Out of seventy-four northern and border state Democrats and Republicans, it ought to be possible to get sixty-three votes to shut off debate (one Southerner, Senator Claude Pepper, of Florida, is pledged to vote for cloture). And if it is impossible to get cloture, as Senator Lucas says, it ought to be possible for seventy-six Senators to wear down the physical endurance of about fourteen Southern Senators who are physically fit to participate in a filibuster. There is one thing that civil righters ought to keep in mind When the Democratic and Republican Parties pledged themselves to enact civil rights legislation, including FEPC, the Senate had no effecttive cloture rule. The rule adopted in 1917 was not applicable to motions, and ever since 1922. When the Senate had up the Dyer antilynching bill, Southerners have used motions as the parliamentary device upon which to filibuster. Knowing this, then, in writing civil rights planks into their platforms were the two major political parties merely duping colored voters or did they intend to carry out their campaign promises. The legislative situation in the Senate during consideration of the oleomargarine bill presented the best possible chance for enactment of civil rights legislation that will develop in the present session of Congress. The oleo bill was the "pending measure" when Senator William Langer, Republican, of N. Dakota, offered the anti-lynching the anti-poll tax and the FEPC bills as amendments. But colored persons scuttled this chance to get record votes on these bills by sending telegrams to Senators stating that they were opposed to the passage of those bills as legislative riders. By so doing they invited support of motions to table the Langer amendments. The Senate has no rule of germaness except with respect to appropriation bills. That means that civil rights bills can be offered as riders to any legislation which may come up in the Senate. If Senator Lucas is correct in his statement that it is impossible to get cloture that is the only way civil rights legislation can get consideration it the Senate. Income Tax Service Frank Prince Stars In New York AAU Meet Frank "The Rocket" Prince, Georgia State College's sensational middle distance runner finished second in the 1,000 yard run at the Metropolitan AAU senior track meet held at the Third Engineer Group Armory here. "The Rocket," making his first American indoor appearance, ran first leg on the Pioneer Athletic club's two mile squad which captured this event in a "breeze" in 8:00.5. In finishing second in the 1,000, Prince ran behind John Moran who was clocked in 2:17.9 for the distance. This is the 1st time "The Rocket" has competed in the 1,000-yard run. The Georgia State star may remain in New York for additional meets in preparation for the "Little Olympics" next month in Guatemaia. BASKETBALL SCORES THE SPORTS GRILL Gene Tunney, Ray Robinson and Jake LaMotta have several things in common. All held titles, all could fight, all three managed themselves although each had a nominal manager of record, and were excellent business men. Moreover, all three were much smarter than their alleged managers and all discovered early in their ring career that it was foolish to hand out a third of their earnings to a so-called manager when they actually were making their own matches. There is nothing wrong with LaMotta's noodle when it comes time to figure percentage or to ask, as he invariably does: "What's in it for Jake?" Both are now disgruntled but for different reasons. Jake is sore because the New York Boxing Commission has been trying to force him into a defense of his middleweight championship before he has had a chance to cash in on his title. Jake would like about half a dozen non-title bouts such as he is to have with Dick Wagner in Detroit Feb. 3 before laying his title on the line. Jake, despite all his brave words to the contrary, realizes this better than anybody else except Robinson and he will be reluctant to sign until he sees the prospect of a big outdoor shot. In any event, Jake will not have a title fight before the outdoor season.