Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1958-08-02 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICAN'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE — Ph. JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES Managing Editor SMITH FLEMING Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00 — 6 Months $3.00 — 3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. A Victory For Confusion After the tumult and the shouting die around Gov. Faubus' landslide out in the state of Arkansas where he broke a long precedent in being returned to the governship for a third term, there will remain in the sediments the dregs of a confused people. Months ago, it was a general consensus that Gov. Faubus took the stand in trying to forestall the orders of a federal judge who had ordered the nine Negro students admitted to the Central-High School, for political reasons. This would afford something unusual for political fodder for a third term. The question, already settled by the courts was fused in as an issue. All three candidates stood for segregation, only differing in slight degrees. Therefore, in Gov. Faubus' going a bit further than the rest might determine how greatly all candidates have been able to confound and keep the white people confused. It would stand to reason, although his margin of victory was more than we expected. We say this because some politicians have misleadingly sold the white voters on segregation being a political issue to be voted up or down—when such is not the case. Regardless of the results, there will be influence exerted on the courts; the presence of a great constitutional question in any area is self-suggestive that neither local nor state influences can subdue it. The whole thing adds up to the fact that politicians still see thrift in complicating questions with issues and confusing the voters that something can be done about it at the ballot box. We shall see what we shall see in this victory for confusion and the long road back which the people will eventually have to travel if they would envision the promised land of reason and discover the futility of political confusion challenging an occasion on which the glow of a powerful constitutional verdict is holding the torch. Marian Anderson Mounts The United Nations The appointment of Marian Anderson of contralto fame to the United Nations by President Eisenhower, brings to mind the suggestions that problems coming before that international body would be in the environs and atmosphere of music. These functionaries, but hardly has there been in the company of that famed array of talent, one with such native endowments and symphonic achievements as Marian Anderson. The Negro race in America has made many wholesome contributions to the annals of state; high churchmen, educational career men and the business genius all have registered their attainments on the forum of state. Now comes the day of Marian Anderson, who, doubtless would have never been heard of but for her musical prowess. Maybe the atmosphere of song, the fine personality of one whose countenance has lighted candles of faith around the world will come in to help in the solution of those grave problems now affecting world order. Who knows but that such magic and spiritual essense, such rhythmic flow in her turn of a speech around the council table, and that swollen sequence imbedded in the hidden skeins of a voice that has swayed the millions in its soothing caressing tenderness, will at last suggest the key by which the nation and the world will drown out the ambles of the hymn of hate and fly up Miss Howe's "Battle Hymn of the Republic"—"Mine eyes have seen the Glory of the Coming of the Lord." Anyway, Marian, somebody has said long before your time—"Let me sing a nation's song and I care not who writes its laws." SEEING and SAYING By WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor Atlanta Daily World ONE OF THE GREAT TRUTHS of the ages is that one cannot worship God and the Devil at the same time. The substance of this would carry over into the relationship of man to man, or brother to brother. The Man of Galilee himself answered in reference to the greatest commandments, that love of God ranked first, and of neighbor, a close second, all other notwithstanding. —o— —o— But, as the state political campaign developed, there appeared a "magnificent" picture release, purporting to be a truthful representation of a candidate's association with Negroes and his alleged "softness" to segregation. IT IS IMPOSSIBLE to hate one group without hating another. The virus inevitably spreads, because one cannot love God and the Devil; one cannot hate one brother and truly love another. Those who try it usually end up hating all their brothers. They are the ones who spread the venom and the lye of discord. I would be better that they were not tolerated to prosper! Can't Love God And The Devil... By WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor Atlanta Daily World ONE OF THE GREAT TRUTHS of the ages is that one cannot worship God and the Devil at the same time. The substance of this would carry over into the relationship of man to man, or brother to brother. The Man of Galilee himself answered in reference to the greatest commandments, that love of God ranked first, and of neighbor, a close second, all other notwithstanding. —o— —o— But, as the state political campaign developed, there appeared a "magnificent" picture release, purporting to be a truthful representation of a candidate's association with Negroes and his alleged "softness" to segregation. IT IS IMPOSSIBLE to hate one group without hating another. The virus inevitably spreads, because one cannot love God and the Devil; one cannot hate one brother and truly love another. Those who try it usually end up hating all their brothers. They are the ones who spread the venom and the lye of discord. I would be better that they were not tolerated to prosper! SOME SLIPS DON'T SHOW By A. A. FAIR (Erie Stanley Gardner) © 1957 by Erie Stanley Gardner, Reprinted by permission of the publisher, William Morrow & Co., Inc. Distributed by King Features Syndicate. ONCE HOME, I turned my horse Into the corral with the others. The house was bright with lamplight. Ma and Edna were home; the buggy was parked by the porch, forgotten. And Luther was home; his horse stood weary and three-footed, head down. As I crossed the yard, I could hear Cord's angry voice. Ma and Edna were In the kitchen and Ma was crying, with Edna trying to comfort her. Cord paced up and down the parlor, his face like a Kansas twister, dark and forbidding and full of danger. I looked at Luther, who sat like a whipped hound, his face dejected, eyes cast to the worn rug. Cord gave me no more than a glance, then went on with his lecture. "A damn snot-nosed kid, that's what you are! Something don't suit you, you run off, then come crying back. Where did you go after you left Overland's place?" "I told you," Luther said wearily. "Just riding around. You act like I done It!" "Well, somebody did," Cord said. He glared at me. "Not you, Smoke; anybody'd know that. You don't even like to spur your horse." "You cam take your spurs out of me right how," I said "and your mad to somebody else." Cord's eyes got wide. "Well now, you just have your little heart set on crossing me tonight, don't you?" "Ain't we got enough trouble?" I asked. "You got to make more?" Cord slapped his thighs and went on pacing. Finally he stopped and stood in front of Luther. "Now listen to me. I know you wouldn't do a thing like hanging a man, but those farmers don't know it. O'Dare is a filthy word with them right now, and of all the damned times to go wandering around the country, this has to be it." "I wasn't anywhere near Everett's place," Luther said. "I swear it." "All right, all right," Cord said, waving his hand impatiently. "I believe you, but we've got to do something. Randolf wasn't fooling when he said he'd send for the marshal. There's going to be a stink over this." "Ain't someone going to think about Everett's widow?" I asked. Cord flipped his head around. "Smoke, you've got enough to worry about right here. I'm going to have to hire a lawyer before I'm through. You know what they cost?" "Maybe three hundred dollars?" I asked. "The price of a half-section of good land?" He swore loud enough to attract Ma and Edna, and be started for me. Always before I'd stood and taken my licking, but this time was different, the turning point or something. When he got within reach, I grabbed up a vase from the table and broke it across his forehead. Cord went down to one knee, bracing himself with his hands. He wasn't out, but he was seeing the prettiest stars a man could see. Ma rushed over and flung her fat arms around him. "Son! Son, are you hurt?" She helped him up, her plump hands patting his face, brushing, back that lock of hair. Cord sort of staggered a little when Ma helped him into a chair and he sat for a few minutes with his head held between his hands. Ma looked at me as though she was ashamed I'd ever been born. "Smoke, the devil's in you, striking Cord that way!" Walking out on people isn't my habit, but I'd suddenly had a crawful. I wheeled and stomped down the hall and slammed the door of my room behind me. A moment later I looked up as Edna opened the door and stepped inside closing it gently. "So you're revolting, Smoke." "Is that a cuss word?" She smiled faintly. "No. It might be a compliment." She came over and sat beside me. "Smoke, what's happening to us?" "We're coming apart," I said. "The O'Dare glueain't as good as we thought." "It was bad enough when Cord lit into Luther. Now you." She put her hand over mine. "I saw you with Julie tonight. You haven't quarreled?" I shook my head. "Then that's good. I wish I could believe like that." "What do you mean?" I asked. "I mean, I wish I knew Luther better. Believing would be easier then." She paused. "Smoke, that day he came home dusty he told me what really happened." "Well," I said, "he never could keep his mouth shut." "That doesn't matter now," Edna said. "If there's a trial, and there surely seems to be one brewing, can you put your hand on the Bible and lie for Luther?" I'd never thought of that and now that I had, I didn't want to consider it further. But I had to; there was no way out. "I could skip the country," I said. "And be blamed for that man's death? That's no good and you know it." "What then?" "I don't know." Her voice was listless. "Smoke, I love my husband. Really love him. But I can see how bad this is going to look in court." "But maybe it won't get to court," I said. "Edna, maybe something will turn up, the real killer caught." "That's a slim hope, Smoke, and you know it" She stood up and stepped to the door. "I want you to help my husband. For me. Will you promise me that?" I nodded. "Sure, Edna. Luther didn't do it. There's no evidence to prove that he did. Not a bit." "Let's hope you're right," she said and stepped out. Later I lay on my bed, staring at the ceiling, trying to find the straight of it all, but I could only see frazzled ends. There was no use denying that Luther had had a fight with Wade Everett; Everett's wife would testify to that and I'd have to back her story. Right then I wished that I was the world's worst liar, someone who couldn't be believed under oath. But I wasn't. Whatever set of principles I had was cemented pretty solid and there wasn't much I could do about them. Sleep refused to come to me; I tried for an hour. Cord, Ma, Luther and Edna had all gone to bed and the house was quiet. I slipped out and walked across the yard to the barn. I saddled my pony and fed him clear of the place before mounting. Dawn wasn't far away and the wind was starting to die down. Being in no particular hurry, I eased toward Wade Everett's place, but didn't go too near. Skirting it, I rode on toward Vince Randolf's. There wasn't any real purpose to this wandering, and I began to understand how Luther could have killed so much time just easing along, working out his problems. About a mile away from Randolf's place I saw a light come on. Someone was up and getting breakfast, I walked the horse, not taking any pains about being quiet, and suddenly the back door opened and Randolf popped out. He didn't stand with his back to the light but stepped aside and covered himself with the predawn blackness. "Who's there?" "Smoke O'Dare! I come to talk!" The hell you have!" Randolf yelled, then a bright blossom of orange bloomed momentarily and the echo of the shot split the silence, rolling across the prairie. CHAPTER 23 By A. A. FAIR (Erie Stanley Gardner) © 1957 by Erie Stanley Gardner, Reprinted by permission of the publisher, William Morrow & Co., Inc. Distributed by King Features Syndicate. ONCE HOME, I turned my horse Into the corral with the others. The house was bright with lamplight. Ma and Edna were home; the buggy was parked by the porch, forgotten. And Luther was home; his horse stood weary and three-footed, head down. As I crossed the yard, I could hear Cord's angry voice. Ma and Edna were In the kitchen and Ma was crying, with Edna trying to comfort her. Cord paced up and down the parlor, his face like a Kansas twister, dark and forbidding and full of danger. I looked at Luther, who sat like a whipped hound, his face dejected, eyes cast to the worn rug. Cord gave me no more than a glance, then went on with his lecture. "A damn snot-nosed kid, that's what you are! Something don't suit you, you run off, then come crying back. Where did you go after you left Overland's place?" "I told you," Luther said wearily. "Just riding around. You act like I done It!" "Well, somebody did," Cord said. He glared at me. "Not you, Smoke; anybody'd know that. You don't even like to spur your horse." "You cam take your spurs out of me right how," I said "and your mad to somebody else." Cord's eyes got wide. "Well now, you just have your little heart set on crossing me tonight, don't you?" "Ain't we got enough trouble?" I asked. "You got to make more?" Cord slapped his thighs and went on pacing. Finally he stopped and stood in front of Luther. "Now listen to me. I know you wouldn't do a thing like hanging a man, but those farmers don't know it. O'Dare is a filthy word with them right now, and of all the damned times to go wandering around the country, this has to be it." "I wasn't anywhere near Everett's place," Luther said. "I swear it." "All right, all right," Cord said, waving his hand impatiently. "I believe you, but we've got to do something. Randolf wasn't fooling when he said he'd send for the marshal. There's going to be a stink over this." "Ain't someone going to think about Everett's widow?" I asked. Cord flipped his head around. "Smoke, you've got enough to worry about right here. I'm going to have to hire a lawyer before I'm through. You know what they cost?" "Maybe three hundred dollars?" I asked. "The price of a half-section of good land?" He swore loud enough to attract Ma and Edna, and be started for me. Always before I'd stood and taken my licking, but this time was different, the turning point or something. When he got within reach, I grabbed up a vase from the table and broke it across his forehead. Cord went down to one knee, bracing himself with his hands. He wasn't out, but he was seeing the prettiest stars a man could see. Ma rushed over and flung her fat arms around him. "Son! Son, are you hurt?" She helped him up, her plump hands patting his face, brushing, back that lock of hair. Cord sort of staggered a little when Ma helped him into a chair and he sat for a few minutes with his head held between his hands. Ma looked at me as though she was ashamed I'd ever been born. "Smoke, the devil's in you, striking Cord that way!" Walking out on people isn't my habit, but I'd suddenly had a crawful. I wheeled and stomped down the hall and slammed the door of my room behind me. A moment later I looked up as Edna opened the door and stepped inside closing it gently. "So you're revolting, Smoke." "Is that a cuss word?" She smiled faintly. "No. It might be a compliment." She came over and sat beside me. "Smoke, what's happening to us?" "We're coming apart," I said. "The O'Dare glueain't as good as we thought." "It was bad enough when Cord lit into Luther. Now you." She put her hand over mine. "I saw you with Julie tonight. You haven't quarreled?" I shook my head. "Then that's good. I wish I could believe like that." "What do you mean?" I asked. "I mean, I wish I knew Luther better. Believing would be easier then." She paused. "Smoke, that day he came home dusty he told me what really happened." "Well," I said, "he never could keep his mouth shut." "That doesn't matter now," Edna said. "If there's a trial, and there surely seems to be one brewing, can you put your hand on the Bible and lie for Luther?" I'd never thought of that and now that I had, I didn't want to consider it further. But I had to; there was no way out. "I could skip the country," I said. "And be blamed for that man's death? That's no good and you know it." "What then?" "I don't know." Her voice was listless. "Smoke, I love my husband. Really love him. But I can see how bad this is going to look in court." "But maybe it won't get to court," I said. "Edna, maybe something will turn up, the real killer caught." "That's a slim hope, Smoke, and you know it" She stood up and stepped to the door. "I want you to help my husband. For me. Will you promise me that?" I nodded. "Sure, Edna. Luther didn't do it. There's no evidence to prove that he did. Not a bit." "Let's hope you're right," she said and stepped out. Later I lay on my bed, staring at the ceiling, trying to find the straight of it all, but I could only see frazzled ends. There was no use denying that Luther had had a fight with Wade Everett; Everett's wife would testify to that and I'd have to back her story. Right then I wished that I was the world's worst liar, someone who couldn't be believed under oath. But I wasn't. Whatever set of principles I had was cemented pretty solid and there wasn't much I could do about them. Sleep refused to come to me; I tried for an hour. Cord, Ma, Luther and Edna had all gone to bed and the house was quiet. I slipped out and walked across the yard to the barn. I saddled my pony and fed him clear of the place before mounting. Dawn wasn't far away and the wind was starting to die down. Being in no particular hurry, I eased toward Wade Everett's place, but didn't go too near. Skirting it, I rode on toward Vince Randolf's. There wasn't any real purpose to this wandering, and I began to understand how Luther could have killed so much time just easing along, working out his problems. About a mile away from Randolf's place I saw a light come on. Someone was up and getting breakfast, I walked the horse, not taking any pains about being quiet, and suddenly the back door opened and Randolf popped out. He didn't stand with his back to the light but stepped aside and covered himself with the predawn blackness. "Who's there?" "Smoke O'Dare! I come to talk!" The hell you have!" Randolf yelled, then a bright blossom of orange bloomed momentarily and the echo of the shot split the silence, rolling across the prairie. Alabama Witness the Southern Negro. O'Dell presistently tried to introduce a document he had but was constantly cut off by members of the subcommittee who said he was not persuing the regular channels. Director Arens accused O'Dell of throwing "a facade" around himself by thrusting up the racial question. Others, cited as communist organizers and colonizers in the South, who appeared before the probing group were; Carl Braden, of Louisville, Ky.; Frank Wilkinson, of Los Angeles, Calif.; William J. Robertson III of Chicago, Ill.; Karl R. Korstad of Greensboro, N. C.; erome Van Camp, of Philadelphia, Pa.; and Mrs. Madge Spurney Cole of Greensboro. All refused on Constitutional grounds to give answers to questions about communist activities Braden, former copy editor for the Louisville Courier-Journal in Kentucky, accused the committee of probing into his personal beliefs and associations. He stated he was in Atlanta last December along with his wife, Mrs. Ann Braden, Aubrey W. Williams and James A. Dombrowski. Braden, however, refused to testify on whether or not they were here for a meeting at the Atlanta Chapter of the American Red Cross. He and his wife, who has not appeared before the committee, are field secretaries for the SouthernConference Educational Fund, Inc., an organization which says it is seeking "the elimination of all forms of racial segregation in the Southern and border states." Williams is president and Dombrowski is executive director of the organization. Wilkinson, former Los Angeles housing director, was accused by Arens of being a hard core communist" who has worked in a number of Red organizations and who was dispatched to Atlanta to agitate about the subcommittee's hearings. In refusing to answer the director's questions, Wilkinson said, "This committee stands in direct violation of the First Amendment of the U. S. Constitution." Mrs. Cole, holder of a Master's degree in Science Education, testified she held jobs as a waitress in New York and as a spinner in a Durham, N. C., textile factory because they paid "good money Arens indicated she was the type person FBI-man Amando Pena referred to Tuesday when he said the infiltrating communists are a hard core of well-trained men and women. Arens said Mrs. Cole has been identified as a communist colonizer in the South. Robertson, a Chicago science writer, fell somewhat in the same category. He said he held degrees from the University of North Carolina and that he had worked in North Carolina textile mills in which Agent Pena said a communist groups operates. Asked if he were now a communist, Robertson said, "I am a loyal American," and later invoked the First and Fifth Amendments on the question. Greensboro, N. C., Businessman Karl R. Korstad, holder of the Master's degree and former teacher at Syracuse University was charged with being a member of a "Conference For Peace" which convened in Chicago in 1951 to urge the withdrawal of American troops from Korea. He denied this but said "I may have loaned my name and prestige" to a labor group which was behind this move. Van Camp, 25-year-old former University of North Carolina student, was given a chance to receive immunity from criminal prosecution for any information he might give about communist activities in and about the state of North Carolina and the university he attended. The opportunity was promptly withdrawn when he indicated he would not cooperate with the investigators. The House Un-American subcommittee goes into third and final day today with at least three witnesses remaining to be called to testify. REFUSED TO TESTIFY the Southern Negro. O'Dell presistently tried to introduce a document he had but was constantly cut off by members of the subcommittee who said he was not persuing the regular channels. Director Arens accused O'Dell of throwing "a facade" around himself by thrusting up the racial question. Others, cited as communist organizers and colonizers in the South, who appeared before the probing group were; Carl Braden, of Louisville, Ky.; Frank Wilkinson, of Los Angeles, Calif.; William J. Robertson III of Chicago, Ill.; Karl R. Korstad of Greensboro, N. C.; erome Van Camp, of Philadelphia, Pa.; and Mrs. Madge Spurney Cole of Greensboro. All refused on Constitutional grounds to give answers to questions about communist activities Braden, former copy editor for the Louisville Courier-Journal in Kentucky, accused the committee of probing into his personal beliefs and associations. He stated he was in Atlanta last December along with his wife, Mrs. Ann Braden, Aubrey W. Williams and James A. Dombrowski. Braden, however, refused to testify on whether or not they were here for a meeting at the Atlanta Chapter of the American Red Cross. He and his wife, who has not appeared before the committee, are field secretaries for the SouthernConference Educational Fund, Inc., an organization which says it is seeking "the elimination of all forms of racial segregation in the Southern and border states." Williams is president and Dombrowski is executive director of the organization. Wilkinson, former Los Angeles housing director, was accused by Arens of being a hard core communist" who has worked in a number of Red organizations and who was dispatched to Atlanta to agitate about the subcommittee's hearings. In refusing to answer the director's questions, Wilkinson said, "This committee stands in direct violation of the First Amendment of the U. S. Constitution." Mrs. Cole, holder of a Master's degree in Science Education, testified she held jobs as a waitress in New York and as a spinner in a Durham, N. C., textile factory because they paid "good money Arens indicated she was the type person FBI-man Amando Pena referred to Tuesday when he said the infiltrating communists are a hard core of well-trained men and women. Arens said Mrs. Cole has been identified as a communist colonizer in the South. Robertson, a Chicago science writer, fell somewhat in the same category. He said he held degrees from the University of North Carolina and that he had worked in North Carolina textile mills in which Agent Pena said a communist groups operates. Asked if he were now a communist, Robertson said, "I am a loyal American," and later invoked the First and Fifth Amendments on the question. Greensboro, N. C., Businessman Karl R. Korstad, holder of the Master's degree and former teacher at Syracuse University was charged with being a member of a "Conference For Peace" which convened in Chicago in 1951 to urge the withdrawal of American troops from Korea. He denied this but said "I may have loaned my name and prestige" to a labor group which was behind this move. Van Camp, 25-year-old former University of North Carolina student, was given a chance to receive immunity from criminal prosecution for any information he might give about communist activities in and about the state of North Carolina and the university he attended. The opportunity was promptly withdrawn when he indicated he would not cooperate with the investigators. The House Un-American subcommittee goes into third and final day today with at least three witnesses remaining to be called to testify. WORKED AS WAITRESS the Southern Negro. O'Dell presistently tried to introduce a document he had but was constantly cut off by members of the subcommittee who said he was not persuing the regular channels. Director Arens accused O'Dell of throwing "a facade" around himself by thrusting up the racial question. Others, cited as communist organizers and colonizers in the South, who appeared before the probing group were; Carl Braden, of Louisville, Ky.; Frank Wilkinson, of Los Angeles, Calif.; William J. Robertson III of Chicago, Ill.; Karl R. Korstad of Greensboro, N. C.; erome Van Camp, of Philadelphia, Pa.; and Mrs. Madge Spurney Cole of Greensboro. All refused on Constitutional grounds to give answers to questions about communist activities Braden, former copy editor for the Louisville Courier-Journal in Kentucky, accused the committee of probing into his personal beliefs and associations. He stated he was in Atlanta last December along with his wife, Mrs. Ann Braden, Aubrey W. Williams and James A. Dombrowski. Braden, however, refused to testify on whether or not they were here for a meeting at the Atlanta Chapter of the American Red Cross. He and his wife, who has not appeared before the committee, are field secretaries for the SouthernConference Educational Fund, Inc., an organization which says it is seeking "the elimination of all forms of racial segregation in the Southern and border states." Williams is president and Dombrowski is executive director of the organization. Wilkinson, former Los Angeles housing director, was accused by Arens of being a hard core communist" who has worked in a number of Red organizations and who was dispatched to Atlanta to agitate about the subcommittee's hearings. In refusing to answer the director's questions, Wilkinson said, "This committee stands in direct violation of the First Amendment of the U. S. Constitution." Mrs. Cole, holder of a Master's degree in Science Education, testified she held jobs as a waitress in New York and as a spinner in a Durham, N. C., textile factory because they paid "good money Arens indicated she was the type person FBI-man Amando Pena referred to Tuesday when he said the infiltrating communists are a hard core of well-trained men and women. Arens said Mrs. Cole has been identified as a communist colonizer in the South. Robertson, a Chicago science writer, fell somewhat in the same category. He said he held degrees from the University of North Carolina and that he had worked in North Carolina textile mills in which Agent Pena said a communist groups operates. Asked if he were now a communist, Robertson said, "I am a loyal American," and later invoked the First and Fifth Amendments on the question. Greensboro, N. C., Businessman Karl R. Korstad, holder of the Master's degree and former teacher at Syracuse University was charged with being a member of a "Conference For Peace" which convened in Chicago in 1951 to urge the withdrawal of American troops from Korea. He denied this but said "I may have loaned my name and prestige" to a labor group which was behind this move. Van Camp, 25-year-old former University of North Carolina student, was given a chance to receive immunity from criminal prosecution for any information he might give about communist activities in and about the state of North Carolina and the university he attended. The opportunity was promptly withdrawn when he indicated he would not cooperate with the investigators. The House Un-American subcommittee goes into third and final day today with at least three witnesses remaining to be called to testify. Seek Christ In Solving South's Problems-Graham Evangelist Billy Graham warned the South Sunday that it cannot solve its racial problems unless Negroes and whites accept Christianity. This must be done, headderd, anio This must be done, he added, on a basis of true brotherhood. Addressing an interracial, unsegregated audience of some 45,000 persons, Graham pointed out that God does not look upon the color of a man's skin, but at the attitude of his heart." Then he said, "we (in the South) will never solve our racial problems until both races come completely to recognize and accept Christianity. There are no color distinctions at the cross," he warned. At his urgings, some 1,000 persons came forward to make decisions for Christ at the conclusion of the meeting. Graham also discussed the middle east situation and recommended that those involved in proposed summit conferences seek first to advance the will of God. Otherwise, he said, the conference, like several others, is likely to fail. AZORES VOLCANO ERUPTS The Capelinhos volcano erupted for half and hour Sunday, shooting flames 1,000 feet high. Rock and lava were hurled 700 feet into the air. The grain crop at the base of the volcano was covered by ash and damaged severely. Solon Charges vestigation of bombings, school segregation and the activity of the White Citizens Councils. It further charged that the House committee was more interested "in harrassing and labeling as 'subversive' any citizen who is inclined to be liberal" than in the stated subversive activities. Rep. Jackson said the letter had been placed in Congressmen's circular file" because it was "quite obvious" that the names of some of the signees "have been closely allied with the Communist Party". He did not identify them. He later said the signees could petition the subcommittee to have their names removed from the letter before it was admitted in the official record of the hearings. "There is a very strong possibility that that letter may have been prepared by a communist," Rep. Jackson said. This shows how subtle the communist Party is in duping non-communists, he continued. However, he made it clear that the Negro leaders may not have been unaware of what they were signing. A photostatic copy of the letter was presented by Director Richard Arens in connection with the testimony of Carl Braden. Arens said the copy of the letter indicated it had been connected with the Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc., an organization which was cited as questionable by the subcommittee. Arens said SCEF, for which Braden and his wife are field secretaries, is the successor of the Southern Conference For Human Welfare which has been cited as subversive. He said the structure and leadership of SCHW took over SCEF. However, he did not definitely state that SCEF has been considered subversive. A brochure put out by SCEF lists among its members on the board of directors Dr. James P. Brawley, of Georgia; John Wesley Dobbs of Georgia; Dr. E. Franklin, Frazier of Washington, D. C.; Charles G. Gomillion of Alabama; Bishop S. L. Greene of Georgia; Bishop C. Eubank Tucker, counsel for Braden and several other witnesses, of Kentucky; other outstanding leaders. The brochure said the conference works toward that day: "When second-class citizenship will be a thing of the past in the United States.... when racial segregation will no longer place its lifelong blight on the bodies of Negroes and the spirit of white people.... when Negro and white Southerners will build together... toward greater opportunity for all." MINERAL SUBSIDIES The House Interior Committee approved a new five-year program of government subsidies for mineral producers. The bill would provide a one-year program of stockpiling copper and five years of subsidy payments to supplement depressed market prices for lead, zinc, acidgrade fluorspar, tungsten, beryl, chromite and columbium-tantalum. NAACP Claims held personally liable. Another one of the harassment statutes requires annual registration of any corporation which advocates racial integration or raises or spends funds to employ lawyers or pay court costs of racial litigation. In order to register, the corporation must supply for public inspection the names and addresses of its members, the source of each contribution or item of income received during the preceding calendar year, and the object of each expenditure. The penalties for noncompliance with this law are the same as for the other one. In addition, each day's failure to register is a separate offense. The third law creates and punishes the offense of barratry. Barratry is defined as instigating litigation, that is, bringing about a suit in which all or part of the expenses of the litigation are paid by a "nonparty" (a person or corporation which has no direct interest, right, or liability) in the suit, and occupies no position of trust in relation to the plaintiff, and is not a duly constituted legal aid society approved by the Virginia State Bar. This law also provides that it does not apply to contingent fee contracts, and, in effect, excepts from its provisions all suits challenging state action save those involving the civil or constitutional rights of colored people. The punishment provided for barratry is a $500 fine or a year's imprisonment for an individual, and a $10,000 fine and revocation of its authority to carry on its activities in Virginia for a foreign corporation. Desirable as it may be for the state to be able to detect law violators, suppress racial violence and tensions, and avoid racial antagonisms, the NAACP argues in its motion, such ends may not be achieved by denying constitutional rights. NAACP attorneys state that the trial record discloses that persons identified with the association or seeking the betterment of the status of colored people "have been subjected to harassment, intimidation, loss of employment, and other manifestations of public hostility." Under similar circumstances, the NAACP notes, the court in the Alabama case upheld the right to preserve from disclosure the names and addresses of its members. In addition, the motion asserts, to make the law applicable only to persons who advocate racial integration is in effect to penalize them for such advocacy in violation of the right of free speech protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution. In Virginia, since both the legislative and executive branches of the government oppose elimination of state enforced segregation, the NAACP says, the only avenue of redress for one seeking to remove segregation is access to the courts. Implied in the right of access to the federal courts, NAACP lawyers state, is the right to assist and to accept assistance, when necessary to present adequately the issues to the courts. Litigation attacking racial segregation is too costly for the average person to bear, the motion asserts, but state law would deny colored persons the right to obtain financial or legal aid in such litigation. "To leave the federal courts open only to litigants able to finance such cases is to effectively close the door to the great majority of aggrieved colored citizens," the NAACP maintains. Attorneys for the NAACP are Robert L. Carter of New York, Oliver W. Hill of Richmond, Va., Thurgood Marshall of New York, and Spotswood W. Robinson, III, of Richmond. FEE CONTRACTS held personally liable. Another one of the harassment statutes requires annual registration of any corporation which advocates racial integration or raises or spends funds to employ lawyers or pay court costs of racial litigation. In order to register, the corporation must supply for public inspection the names and addresses of its members, the source of each contribution or item of income received during the preceding calendar year, and the object of each expenditure. The penalties for noncompliance with this law are the same as for the other one. In addition, each day's failure to register is a separate offense. The third law creates and punishes the offense of barratry. Barratry is defined as instigating litigation, that is, bringing about a suit in which all or part of the expenses of the litigation are paid by a "nonparty" (a person or corporation which has no direct interest, right, or liability) in the suit, and occupies no position of trust in relation to the plaintiff, and is not a duly constituted legal aid society approved by the Virginia State Bar. This law also provides that it does not apply to contingent fee contracts, and, in effect, excepts from its provisions all suits challenging state action save those involving the civil or constitutional rights of colored people. The punishment provided for barratry is a $500 fine or a year's imprisonment for an individual, and a $10,000 fine and revocation of its authority to carry on its activities in Virginia for a foreign corporation. Desirable as it may be for the state to be able to detect law violators, suppress racial violence and tensions, and avoid racial antagonisms, the NAACP argues in its motion, such ends may not be achieved by denying constitutional rights. NAACP attorneys state that the trial record discloses that persons identified with the association or seeking the betterment of the status of colored people "have been subjected to harassment, intimidation, loss of employment, and other manifestations of public hostility." Under similar circumstances, the NAACP notes, the court in the Alabama case upheld the right to preserve from disclosure the names and addresses of its members. In addition, the motion asserts, to make the law applicable only to persons who advocate racial integration is in effect to penalize them for such advocacy in violation of the right of free speech protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution. In Virginia, since both the legislative and executive branches of the government oppose elimination of state enforced segregation, the NAACP says, the only avenue of redress for one seeking to remove segregation is access to the courts. Implied in the right of access to the federal courts, NAACP lawyers state, is the right to assist and to accept assistance, when necessary to present adequately the issues to the courts. Litigation attacking racial segregation is too costly for the average person to bear, the motion asserts, but state law would deny colored persons the right to obtain financial or legal aid in such litigation. "To leave the federal courts open only to litigants able to finance such cases is to effectively close the door to the great majority of aggrieved colored citizens," the NAACP maintains. Attorneys for the NAACP are Robert L. Carter of New York, Oliver W. Hill of Richmond, Va., Thurgood Marshall of New York, and Spotswood W. Robinson, III, of Richmond. RIGHT TO PRIVACY held personally liable. Another one of the harassment statutes requires annual registration of any corporation which advocates racial integration or raises or spends funds to employ lawyers or pay court costs of racial litigation. In order to register, the corporation must supply for public inspection the names and addresses of its members, the source of each contribution or item of income received during the preceding calendar year, and the object of each expenditure. The penalties for noncompliance with this law are the same as for the other one. In addition, each day's failure to register is a separate offense. The third law creates and punishes the offense of barratry. Barratry is defined as instigating litigation, that is, bringing about a suit in which all or part of the expenses of the litigation are paid by a "nonparty" (a person or corporation which has no direct interest, right, or liability) in the suit, and occupies no position of trust in relation to the plaintiff, and is not a duly constituted legal aid society approved by the Virginia State Bar. This law also provides that it does not apply to contingent fee contracts, and, in effect, excepts from its provisions all suits challenging state action save those involving the civil or constitutional rights of colored people. The punishment provided for barratry is a $500 fine or a year's imprisonment for an individual, and a $10,000 fine and revocation of its authority to carry on its activities in Virginia for a foreign corporation. Desirable as it may be for the state to be able to detect law violators, suppress racial violence and tensions, and avoid racial antagonisms, the NAACP argues in its motion, such ends may not be achieved by denying constitutional rights. NAACP attorneys state that the trial record discloses that persons identified with the association or seeking the betterment of the status of colored people "have been subjected to harassment, intimidation, loss of employment, and other manifestations of public hostility." Under similar circumstances, the NAACP notes, the court in the Alabama case upheld the right to preserve from disclosure the names and addresses of its members. In addition, the motion asserts, to make the law applicable only to persons who advocate racial integration is in effect to penalize them for such advocacy in violation of the right of free speech protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution. In Virginia, since both the legislative and executive branches of the government oppose elimination of state enforced segregation, the NAACP says, the only avenue of redress for one seeking to remove segregation is access to the courts. Implied in the right of access to the federal courts, NAACP lawyers state, is the right to assist and to accept assistance, when necessary to present adequately the issues to the courts. Litigation attacking racial segregation is too costly for the average person to bear, the motion asserts, but state law would deny colored persons the right to obtain financial or legal aid in such litigation. "To leave the federal courts open only to litigants able to finance such cases is to effectively close the door to the great majority of aggrieved colored citizens," the NAACP maintains. Attorneys for the NAACP are Robert L. Carter of New York, Oliver W. Hill of Richmond, Va., Thurgood Marshall of New York, and Spotswood W. Robinson, III, of Richmond. 5,000 Cheer through the door and up close to the balcony. Some 500 persons were in the reception room alone, waiting to shake hands with the African leader, who came to Harlem to "... Speak to his people." At first Nkruman was closeted in a news conference in an adjoining room as the crowd waiting impatiently in the main hall. Then the buzz of conversation gave way to wild cheering as the Prime Minister made his appearance surrounded by national guardsmen. During the demonstration, a woman broke through the guards rushed Dr. Nkrumah and hugged and kissed him. The program started with the playing of the Ghanian and American National Anthems. Elmer Carter, chairman of the Citizens' Committee, then introduced Dr. Ralph Bunche, United Nations undersecretary, who in turn introduced Dr. Nkrumah. Dr. Bunche stressed the universality of Nkrumah's achievement. He told Dr. Nkrumah, however, "You represent spiritually and symbolically all of us whose skins are pigmented." Dr. Nkrumah replied in kind that "the bond of blood and kinship between you and the African Continent is well known." He added that he was a son of Harlem, having learned his politics there, and promised the crowd not to rest until all Africa was free. He asked for teachers, doctors, dentists to come over (to Ghana) and give their brothers a hand. The crowd ate it up. The Prime Minister was in good form. Following the speech, Dr. Nkrumah was presented with gifts. One of the most significant was a large sterling silver bowl presented by Hope R. Stevens, president, United Mutual Life Insurance Company, on behalf of the Citizens' Committee. Stevens said the bowl is symbolically intended "to hold the tears wept by African mothers for 300 years over their children town away and sold into slavery." Dr. Nkrumah expressed thanks on receiving the gifts. Members of the group greeting the Prime Minister upon his arrival at the armory included Dr. Bunche, Acting Mayor Abe Stark, Hulan E. Jack, Manhattan Borough President, Rep. Adam Clayton Powell, Councilman Earl Brown, and Jackie Robinson, former Brooklyn Dodgers star. Aside from the Harlem reception, Sunday was a busy day for Dr. Nkrumah, Among other things, he attended a reunion meeting of some 100 alumni from Lincoln University, Pa., his alma mater, at the Waldorf-Astoria; attended a luncheon on Long Island given by the African-American Institute; participated In the television interview, and attended a dinner at the Waldorf-Astoria given by the New York Cocoa Exchange, the National Confectioner's Association, the Cocoa Merchants Association of America, Inc., and the Association of Cocoa and Chocolate Manufacturers of America. CHEERED WILDLY through the door and up close to the balcony. Some 500 persons were in the reception room alone, waiting to shake hands with the African leader, who came to Harlem to "... Speak to his people." At first Nkruman was closeted in a news conference in an adjoining room as the crowd waiting impatiently in the main hall. Then the buzz of conversation gave way to wild cheering as the Prime Minister made his appearance surrounded by national guardsmen. During the demonstration, a woman broke through the guards rushed Dr. Nkrumah and hugged and kissed him. The program started with the playing of the Ghanian and American National Anthems. Elmer Carter, chairman of the Citizens' Committee, then introduced Dr. Ralph Bunche, United Nations undersecretary, who in turn introduced Dr. Nkrumah. Dr. Bunche stressed the universality of Nkrumah's achievement. He told Dr. Nkrumah, however, "You represent spiritually and symbolically all of us whose skins are pigmented." Dr. Nkrumah replied in kind that "the bond of blood and kinship between you and the African Continent is well known." He added that he was a son of Harlem, having learned his politics there, and promised the crowd not to rest until all Africa was free. He asked for teachers, doctors, dentists to come over (to Ghana) and give their brothers a hand. The crowd ate it up. The Prime Minister was in good form. Following the speech, Dr. Nkrumah was presented with gifts. One of the most significant was a large sterling silver bowl presented by Hope R. Stevens, president, United Mutual Life Insurance Company, on behalf of the Citizens' Committee. Stevens said the bowl is symbolically intended "to hold the tears wept by African mothers for 300 years over their children town away and sold into slavery." Dr. Nkrumah expressed thanks on receiving the gifts. Members of the group greeting the Prime Minister upon his arrival at the armory included Dr. Bunche, Acting Mayor Abe Stark, Hulan E. Jack, Manhattan Borough President, Rep. Adam Clayton Powell, Councilman Earl Brown, and Jackie Robinson, former Brooklyn Dodgers star. Aside from the Harlem reception, Sunday was a busy day for Dr. Nkrumah, Among other things, he attended a reunion meeting of some 100 alumni from Lincoln University, Pa., his alma mater, at the Waldorf-Astoria; attended a luncheon on Long Island given by the African-American Institute; participated In the television interview, and attended a dinner at the Waldorf-Astoria given by the New York Cocoa Exchange, the National Confectioner's Association, the Cocoa Merchants Association of America, Inc., and the Association of Cocoa and Chocolate Manufacturers of America. PM ASKS HELP through the door and up close to the balcony. Some 500 persons were in the reception room alone, waiting to shake hands with the African leader, who came to Harlem to "... Speak to his people." At first Nkruman was closeted in a news conference in an adjoining room as the crowd waiting impatiently in the main hall. Then the buzz of conversation gave way to wild cheering as the Prime Minister made his appearance surrounded by national guardsmen. During the demonstration, a woman broke through the guards rushed Dr. Nkrumah and hugged and kissed him. The program started with the playing of the Ghanian and American National Anthems. Elmer Carter, chairman of the Citizens' Committee, then introduced Dr. Ralph Bunche, United Nations undersecretary, who in turn introduced Dr. Nkrumah. Dr. Bunche stressed the universality of Nkrumah's achievement. He told Dr. Nkrumah, however, "You represent spiritually and symbolically all of us whose skins are pigmented." Dr. Nkrumah replied in kind that "the bond of blood and kinship between you and the African Continent is well known." He added that he was a son of Harlem, having learned his politics there, and promised the crowd not to rest until all Africa was free. He asked for teachers, doctors, dentists to come over (to Ghana) and give their brothers a hand. The crowd ate it up. The Prime Minister was in good form. Following the speech, Dr. Nkrumah was presented with gifts. One of the most significant was a large sterling silver bowl presented by Hope R. Stevens, president, United Mutual Life Insurance Company, on behalf of the Citizens' Committee. Stevens said the bowl is symbolically intended "to hold the tears wept by African mothers for 300 years over their children town away and sold into slavery." Dr. Nkrumah expressed thanks on receiving the gifts. Members of the group greeting the Prime Minister upon his arrival at the armory included Dr. Bunche, Acting Mayor Abe Stark, Hulan E. Jack, Manhattan Borough President, Rep. Adam Clayton Powell, Councilman Earl Brown, and Jackie Robinson, former Brooklyn Dodgers star. Aside from the Harlem reception, Sunday was a busy day for Dr. Nkrumah, Among other things, he attended a reunion meeting of some 100 alumni from Lincoln University, Pa., his alma mater, at the Waldorf-Astoria; attended a luncheon on Long Island given by the African-American Institute; participated In the television interview, and attended a dinner at the Waldorf-Astoria given by the New York Cocoa Exchange, the National Confectioner's Association, the Cocoa Merchants Association of America, Inc., and the Association of Cocoa and Chocolate Manufacturers of America. "No Need To ker, nationally prominent insurance tycoon who was shot to death here Monday, should serve as inspiration for those who are not yet awake in the struggle for equal rights. Instructing the sprinkling of Negroes at the big church to stand and bow their heads to prayer for the late leader, she described Dr. Walker as a man "who devoted his seft, time, leadership ability and financial resources too those who want to be free at a time they were desperately needed. He didn't have to do it, but he would always do what he could when needed." After the brief tribute to Dr. Walker, she dug into the concept of white supremacy in all its forms. She said she was disgusted when she got off the plane from Alabama and saw "that big banner across the way which said, "Keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie.... If the Negroes here would get together and threaten, to vote these people out, they (Citizens for Progress) wouldn't dare to try to keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie. "The Negro has been brainwashed into thinking he isn't ready (for integration)." "The Negro in the South has been "used" for 300 years now. It's time for him to stand up on his own two feet and say I'm a man or I'm a woman." "You don't have to send your children to Jim Crow schools," Mrs. Hurley continued, reminding her audience of the Supreme Court decision of May 17, 1954. And Jim Crow schools are inferior—every segregated school in this country is inferior—for white children as well as Negro children. The church audience mumbled with cheers of approval as Mrs. Hurley suggested the ouster of disloyal ministers from their pulpits. "This is the only way to get these preachers to straighten up and fly right," she said. Mrs. Hurley admitted, that she was "a bit confused" as to the white man's conception of "a Negro's place" here in the South. "I go in one place," she said, "and they tell me to go upstairs; I go to another, I'm directed downstairs. I get on one vehicle, and they tell me to go to the back; and on another, they tell me to go to the front. I'm confused." Finally, Mrs. Hurley warned-her audience again "not to be satified. We've got to cut through this Negro apathy to stimulate these ignorant and dumb people so we can get all these people registered to vote. The day of Uncle Toms is over. Our people ARE ready. We're ready to fight for, to pay the price of freedom." Other speakers appearing on the program, who gave brief remarks, were Rev. Alexander Gladney, Rev. H. C. Bunton, Frank Kilpatrick, Earl W. Davis, John M. Brooks, Rev. W. L. Varnado, W. C. Patton, who conducted the Non-partisan campaign, Attorney S. A. Wilbun, Rev. E. W. Williamson, and Mrs. Ruby D. Spight who introduced Mrs. Hurley, and J. T. Walker, master of ceremonies. Atty. Wilbun, candidate for the seat in the state legislature praised the civic workers for their part in the campaign, and decried misrepresentation of the Negro in our city government "where the Negro population is 37 percent. Earl W. Davis praised Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to honor their leader by going out to the polls in droves. "That's the way he who started this movement would have had it." Davis said. John Brooks told of the "Miracle of 1960"—when we expect to have 3 million Negroes registered to vote in the South." Emcee Walker also threw in praise for Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to turn out and vote in Huge numbers to pay tribute to the late insurance executive, and for all to attend a Shelby County Democratic Club, rally which was slated for last night. Dr. Walker was the club's president. Leaders in the community who were cited along with ward workers were Thaddeus T. Stokes of the Memphis World, Kilpatrick, Jesse Turner, cashier for the Tri-State Bank, M. I. Reid, Tri-State Defender staff writer, Rev. Varnado, Alex Wilson, Defender managing editor, W. I. Atkins, Rev. Bunton, Earl D. Davis, and Gladney. A posthumous award went to Dr. Walker. "NEGRO HAS BEEN USED" ker, nationally prominent insurance tycoon who was shot to death here Monday, should serve as inspiration for those who are not yet awake in the struggle for equal rights. Instructing the sprinkling of Negroes at the big church to stand and bow their heads to prayer for the late leader, she described Dr. Walker as a man "who devoted his seft, time, leadership ability and financial resources too those who want to be free at a time they were desperately needed. He didn't have to do it, but he would always do what he could when needed." After the brief tribute to Dr. Walker, she dug into the concept of white supremacy in all its forms. She said she was disgusted when she got off the plane from Alabama and saw "that big banner across the way which said, "Keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie.... If the Negroes here would get together and threaten, to vote these people out, they (Citizens for Progress) wouldn't dare to try to keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie. "The Negro has been brainwashed into thinking he isn't ready (for integration)." "The Negro in the South has been "used" for 300 years now. It's time for him to stand up on his own two feet and say I'm a man or I'm a woman." "You don't have to send your children to Jim Crow schools," Mrs. Hurley continued, reminding her audience of the Supreme Court decision of May 17, 1954. And Jim Crow schools are inferior—every segregated school in this country is inferior—for white children as well as Negro children. The church audience mumbled with cheers of approval as Mrs. Hurley suggested the ouster of disloyal ministers from their pulpits. "This is the only way to get these preachers to straighten up and fly right," she said. Mrs. Hurley admitted, that she was "a bit confused" as to the white man's conception of "a Negro's place" here in the South. "I go in one place," she said, "and they tell me to go upstairs; I go to another, I'm directed downstairs. I get on one vehicle, and they tell me to go to the back; and on another, they tell me to go to the front. I'm confused." Finally, Mrs. Hurley warned-her audience again "not to be satified. We've got to cut through this Negro apathy to stimulate these ignorant and dumb people so we can get all these people registered to vote. The day of Uncle Toms is over. Our people ARE ready. We're ready to fight for, to pay the price of freedom." Other speakers appearing on the program, who gave brief remarks, were Rev. Alexander Gladney, Rev. H. C. Bunton, Frank Kilpatrick, Earl W. Davis, John M. Brooks, Rev. W. L. Varnado, W. C. Patton, who conducted the Non-partisan campaign, Attorney S. A. Wilbun, Rev. E. W. Williamson, and Mrs. Ruby D. Spight who introduced Mrs. Hurley, and J. T. Walker, master of ceremonies. Atty. Wilbun, candidate for the seat in the state legislature praised the civic workers for their part in the campaign, and decried misrepresentation of the Negro in our city government "where the Negro population is 37 percent. Earl W. Davis praised Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to honor their leader by going out to the polls in droves. "That's the way he who started this movement would have had it." Davis said. John Brooks told of the "Miracle of 1960"—when we expect to have 3 million Negroes registered to vote in the South." Emcee Walker also threw in praise for Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to turn out and vote in Huge numbers to pay tribute to the late insurance executive, and for all to attend a Shelby County Democratic Club, rally which was slated for last night. Dr. Walker was the club's president. Leaders in the community who were cited along with ward workers were Thaddeus T. Stokes of the Memphis World, Kilpatrick, Jesse Turner, cashier for the Tri-State Bank, M. I. Reid, Tri-State Defender staff writer, Rev. Varnado, Alex Wilson, Defender managing editor, W. I. Atkins, Rev. Bunton, Earl D. Davis, and Gladney. A posthumous award went to Dr. Walker. OUSTER OF MINISTERS ker, nationally prominent insurance tycoon who was shot to death here Monday, should serve as inspiration for those who are not yet awake in the struggle for equal rights. Instructing the sprinkling of Negroes at the big church to stand and bow their heads to prayer for the late leader, she described Dr. Walker as a man "who devoted his seft, time, leadership ability and financial resources too those who want to be free at a time they were desperately needed. He didn't have to do it, but he would always do what he could when needed." After the brief tribute to Dr. Walker, she dug into the concept of white supremacy in all its forms. She said she was disgusted when she got off the plane from Alabama and saw "that big banner across the way which said, "Keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie.... If the Negroes here would get together and threaten, to vote these people out, they (Citizens for Progress) wouldn't dare to try to keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie. "The Negro has been brainwashed into thinking he isn't ready (for integration)." "The Negro in the South has been "used" for 300 years now. It's time for him to stand up on his own two feet and say I'm a man or I'm a woman." "You don't have to send your children to Jim Crow schools," Mrs. Hurley continued, reminding her audience of the Supreme Court decision of May 17, 1954. And Jim Crow schools are inferior—every segregated school in this country is inferior—for white children as well as Negro children. The church audience mumbled with cheers of approval as Mrs. Hurley suggested the ouster of disloyal ministers from their pulpits. "This is the only way to get these preachers to straighten up and fly right," she said. Mrs. Hurley admitted, that she was "a bit confused" as to the white man's conception of "a Negro's place" here in the South. "I go in one place," she said, "and they tell me to go upstairs; I go to another, I'm directed downstairs. I get on one vehicle, and they tell me to go to the back; and on another, they tell me to go to the front. I'm confused." Finally, Mrs. Hurley warned-her audience again "not to be satified. We've got to cut through this Negro apathy to stimulate these ignorant and dumb people so we can get all these people registered to vote. The day of Uncle Toms is over. Our people ARE ready. We're ready to fight for, to pay the price of freedom." Other speakers appearing on the program, who gave brief remarks, were Rev. Alexander Gladney, Rev. H. C. Bunton, Frank Kilpatrick, Earl W. Davis, John M. Brooks, Rev. W. L. Varnado, W. C. Patton, who conducted the Non-partisan campaign, Attorney S. A. Wilbun, Rev. E. W. Williamson, and Mrs. Ruby D. Spight who introduced Mrs. Hurley, and J. T. Walker, master of ceremonies. Atty. Wilbun, candidate for the seat in the state legislature praised the civic workers for their part in the campaign, and decried misrepresentation of the Negro in our city government "where the Negro population is 37 percent. Earl W. Davis praised Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to honor their leader by going out to the polls in droves. "That's the way he who started this movement would have had it." Davis said. John Brooks told of the "Miracle of 1960"—when we expect to have 3 million Negroes registered to vote in the South." Emcee Walker also threw in praise for Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to turn out and vote in Huge numbers to pay tribute to the late insurance executive, and for all to attend a Shelby County Democratic Club, rally which was slated for last night. Dr. Walker was the club's president. Leaders in the community who were cited along with ward workers were Thaddeus T. Stokes of the Memphis World, Kilpatrick, Jesse Turner, cashier for the Tri-State Bank, M. I. Reid, Tri-State Defender staff writer, Rev. Varnado, Alex Wilson, Defender managing editor, W. I. Atkins, Rev. Bunton, Earl D. Davis, and Gladney. A posthumous award went to Dr. Walker. CUT THROUGH APATHY ker, nationally prominent insurance tycoon who was shot to death here Monday, should serve as inspiration for those who are not yet awake in the struggle for equal rights. Instructing the sprinkling of Negroes at the big church to stand and bow their heads to prayer for the late leader, she described Dr. Walker as a man "who devoted his seft, time, leadership ability and financial resources too those who want to be free at a time they were desperately needed. He didn't have to do it, but he would always do what he could when needed." After the brief tribute to Dr. Walker, she dug into the concept of white supremacy in all its forms. She said she was disgusted when she got off the plane from Alabama and saw "that big banner across the way which said, "Keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie.... If the Negroes here would get together and threaten, to vote these people out, they (Citizens for Progress) wouldn't dare to try to keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie. "The Negro has been brainwashed into thinking he isn't ready (for integration)." "The Negro in the South has been "used" for 300 years now. It's time for him to stand up on his own two feet and say I'm a man or I'm a woman." "You don't have to send your children to Jim Crow schools," Mrs. Hurley continued, reminding her audience of the Supreme Court decision of May 17, 1954. And Jim Crow schools are inferior—every segregated school in this country is inferior—for white children as well as Negro children. The church audience mumbled with cheers of approval as Mrs. Hurley suggested the ouster of disloyal ministers from their pulpits. "This is the only way to get these preachers to straighten up and fly right," she said. Mrs. Hurley admitted, that she was "a bit confused" as to the white man's conception of "a Negro's place" here in the South. "I go in one place," she said, "and they tell me to go upstairs; I go to another, I'm directed downstairs. I get on one vehicle, and they tell me to go to the back; and on another, they tell me to go to the front. I'm confused." Finally, Mrs. Hurley warned-her audience again "not to be satified. We've got to cut through this Negro apathy to stimulate these ignorant and dumb people so we can get all these people registered to vote. The day of Uncle Toms is over. Our people ARE ready. We're ready to fight for, to pay the price of freedom." Other speakers appearing on the program, who gave brief remarks, were Rev. Alexander Gladney, Rev. H. C. Bunton, Frank Kilpatrick, Earl W. Davis, John M. Brooks, Rev. W. L. Varnado, W. C. Patton, who conducted the Non-partisan campaign, Attorney S. A. Wilbun, Rev. E. W. Williamson, and Mrs. Ruby D. Spight who introduced Mrs. Hurley, and J. T. Walker, master of ceremonies. Atty. Wilbun, candidate for the seat in the state legislature praised the civic workers for their part in the campaign, and decried misrepresentation of the Negro in our city government "where the Negro population is 37 percent. Earl W. Davis praised Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to honor their leader by going out to the polls in droves. "That's the way he who started this movement would have had it." Davis said. John Brooks told of the "Miracle of 1960"—when we expect to have 3 million Negroes registered to vote in the South." Emcee Walker also threw in praise for Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to turn out and vote in Huge numbers to pay tribute to the late insurance executive, and for all to attend a Shelby County Democratic Club, rally which was slated for last night. Dr. Walker was the club's president. Leaders in the community who were cited along with ward workers were Thaddeus T. Stokes of the Memphis World, Kilpatrick, Jesse Turner, cashier for the Tri-State Bank, M. I. Reid, Tri-State Defender staff writer, Rev. Varnado, Alex Wilson, Defender managing editor, W. I. Atkins, Rev. Bunton, Earl D. Davis, and Gladney. A posthumous award went to Dr. Walker. "DO IT FOR WALKER" ker, nationally prominent insurance tycoon who was shot to death here Monday, should serve as inspiration for those who are not yet awake in the struggle for equal rights. Instructing the sprinkling of Negroes at the big church to stand and bow their heads to prayer for the late leader, she described Dr. Walker as a man "who devoted his seft, time, leadership ability and financial resources too those who want to be free at a time they were desperately needed. He didn't have to do it, but he would always do what he could when needed." After the brief tribute to Dr. Walker, she dug into the concept of white supremacy in all its forms. She said she was disgusted when she got off the plane from Alabama and saw "that big banner across the way which said, "Keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie.... If the Negroes here would get together and threaten, to vote these people out, they (Citizens for Progress) wouldn't dare to try to keep Memphis and Shelby County Down in Dixie. "The Negro has been brainwashed into thinking he isn't ready (for integration)." "The Negro in the South has been "used" for 300 years now. It's time for him to stand up on his own two feet and say I'm a man or I'm a woman." "You don't have to send your children to Jim Crow schools," Mrs. Hurley continued, reminding her audience of the Supreme Court decision of May 17, 1954. And Jim Crow schools are inferior—every segregated school in this country is inferior—for white children as well as Negro children. The church audience mumbled with cheers of approval as Mrs. Hurley suggested the ouster of disloyal ministers from their pulpits. "This is the only way to get these preachers to straighten up and fly right," she said. Mrs. Hurley admitted, that she was "a bit confused" as to the white man's conception of "a Negro's place" here in the South. "I go in one place," she said, "and they tell me to go upstairs; I go to another, I'm directed downstairs. I get on one vehicle, and they tell me to go to the back; and on another, they tell me to go to the front. I'm confused." Finally, Mrs. Hurley warned-her audience again "not to be satified. We've got to cut through this Negro apathy to stimulate these ignorant and dumb people so we can get all these people registered to vote. The day of Uncle Toms is over. Our people ARE ready. We're ready to fight for, to pay the price of freedom." Other speakers appearing on the program, who gave brief remarks, were Rev. Alexander Gladney, Rev. H. C. Bunton, Frank Kilpatrick, Earl W. Davis, John M. Brooks, Rev. W. L. Varnado, W. C. Patton, who conducted the Non-partisan campaign, Attorney S. A. Wilbun, Rev. E. W. Williamson, and Mrs. Ruby D. Spight who introduced Mrs. Hurley, and J. T. Walker, master of ceremonies. Atty. Wilbun, candidate for the seat in the state legislature praised the civic workers for their part in the campaign, and decried misrepresentation of the Negro in our city government "where the Negro population is 37 percent. Earl W. Davis praised Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to honor their leader by going out to the polls in droves. "That's the way he who started this movement would have had it." Davis said. John Brooks told of the "Miracle of 1960"—when we expect to have 3 million Negroes registered to vote in the South." Emcee Walker also threw in praise for Dr. Walker, urging Negroes to turn out and vote in Huge numbers to pay tribute to the late insurance executive, and for all to attend a Shelby County Democratic Club, rally which was slated for last night. Dr. Walker was the club's president. Leaders in the community who were cited along with ward workers were Thaddeus T. Stokes of the Memphis World, Kilpatrick, Jesse Turner, cashier for the Tri-State Bank, M. I. Reid, Tri-State Defender staff writer, Rev. Varnado, Alex Wilson, Defender managing editor, W. I. Atkins, Rev. Bunton, Earl D. Davis, and Gladney. A posthumous award went to Dr. Walker. Dr. Walker tional Christian Missionary Convention. Interment was in Elwood cemetery under direction of the T. H. Hayes and Sons Funeral Home. Survivors include his wife, Mrs. Louise Walker; a daughter, Mrs. Johnetta W. Kelso, a son, A. Maceo Walker Sr., 2 granddaughters, a grandson, nieces, nephews and cousins. a Dogs Life by Bob Bartos Prominent Dog Authority Nearly every day of the week, some dog, somewhere in the country, becomes a hero... alerting his family, to fire in the home, dragging a child out of the path of an oncoming locomotive, or performing, some equally courageous deed. Many of these dog heroes are feted, medaled and achieve national fame. It's relatively rare, however, to hear about people who express devotion for their four-footed friends through deeds of valor at the risk of their own lives. To stimulate greater interest in the heroic acts of humans on behalf of their four-footed friends and to bring honor where honor is due, the Friskies Research Kennels have initiated the Friskies Fidelity Award. The first recipient was Victor Brand of Huntington, Long Island, who earned it by risking his own life to return to his burning home and rescue Timber, his dog. If you know of anyone, who with courage and selflessness has recently performed a similarly brave deed on behalf of a canine friend, he may be eligible for a Friskies Fidelity Award. Send the name and address of your candidate with a brief description of the act to the Friskies Award Board, 124 East 38th, Street, New York, New York. Feeding Tip: It Is not necessary to add meat to a good, commercial all-purpose dog food, such as Friskies, which already contains meat and bone meal in scientifically balanced proportions. HUMAN DEEDS OF BRAVERY ON BEHALF OF DOGS by Bob Bartos Prominent Dog Authority Nearly every day of the week, some dog, somewhere in the country, becomes a hero... alerting his family, to fire in the home, dragging a child out of the path of an oncoming locomotive, or performing, some equally courageous deed. Many of these dog heroes are feted, medaled and achieve national fame. It's relatively rare, however, to hear about people who express devotion for their four-footed friends through deeds of valor at the risk of their own lives. To stimulate greater interest in the heroic acts of humans on behalf of their four-footed friends and to bring honor where honor is due, the Friskies Research Kennels have initiated the Friskies Fidelity Award. The first recipient was Victor Brand of Huntington, Long Island, who earned it by risking his own life to return to his burning home and rescue Timber, his dog. If you know of anyone, who with courage and selflessness has recently performed a similarly brave deed on behalf of a canine friend, he may be eligible for a Friskies Fidelity Award. Send the name and address of your candidate with a brief description of the act to the Friskies Award Board, 124 East 38th, Street, New York, New York. Feeding Tip: It Is not necessary to add meat to a good, commercial all-purpose dog food, such as Friskies, which already contains meat and bone meal in scientifically balanced proportions. House Limits proval at this session of Congress. But committee sources said they expected the bill to influence VA policy anyway. The committee approved the bil after Veterans Administrator Sum ner G. Whittier said he had no completed his proposals on the problem of non-service- connected hospital care. The committee requested his proposals last month after Whittier warned that under existing law VA hospital beds would have to be increased by 70 per cent to handle the expected load by 1986. He recommended that current policies be reviewed. When Whittier told the group he did not have the proposals ready it went into a closed-door session and stamped approval on a bill based on its own ideas. Under present law, veterans ailments traceable to their military service are treated free at VA hospitals. Non- service- connected ills are treated free when beds are available if the veteran says he cannot afford private care. Nonservice-connected cases in VA hospitals outnumber service - caused cases 71,000 to 39,000. MEMPHIS WORLD Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition FOR SALE Beautiful red Chambers Gas Range, the finest. Saves food, fuel time. 278 Cossitt Place (2 doors south of Linden). WEARING APPAREL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS REMODEL—REPAIR—PAINT ADD-A-ROOM SALESWOMEN WANTED MAKE EXTRA MONEY NEWSBOYS WANTED FEMALE HELP WANTED