Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1960-11-26 Stanley S. Scott MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICA'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE—Phone 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn. as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 STANLEY S. SCOTT Managing Editor ROBERT MORRIS Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00—6 Months $3.00—3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest of its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICA'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE—Phone 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn. as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 STANLEY S. SCOTT Managing Editor ROBERT MORRIS Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00—6 Months $3.00—3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest of its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. Resistance To Law Is No Excuse Governor Jimmie Davis and the Louisiana Legislature have sent a special committee to Florida where President-elect John Kennedy is vacationing and conferring with various officials relative to the change-over in the national administration. The committee went for the specific purpose of getting Senator Kennedy's views on Federal Court-ordered integration in general and the New Orleans situation in particular. Press reports state that the committee was only able to talk with the President-elect's assistant, who mostly listened. The New Orleans technique at resisting court-ordered integration is a little different from the more direct action at Little Rock three years ago. And the new technique may indirectly create more tension and confusion, but a court ruling should hot be subject to the question of resistance. President Eisenhower said this in substance in his address to the nation prior to ordering Army unit to Little Rock. One would think persons in responsible positions would not encourage open opposition to a Federal Court decision on a constitutional issue. But this is exactly what has happened in New Orleans. It would be disastrous to the orderly solution of the school issue if the court backs up in this or any other instance. The school issue has been under consideration in New Orleans for several years and district judges, close to the scene, have ordered the change. And it should stand. Resistance to law is no excuse for non-enforcement, and we hope if Mr. Kennedy does anything, he like President Eisenhower, will make it clear that he, as Chief Executive, will uphold court-ordered decisions on the school issue. Think For Yourself The average American, perplexed by the great issues that confront the people of this great country, finds it difficult to develop sound opinions in the face of the rabid partisanship that is exhibited by politicians, and other so-called leaders of public opinion. There is quite a tendency on the part of many to accept, without question, any statement or assertion that fits in with what the individual wants to believe. Moreover, there is a lamentable determination on the part of nearly everybody to try to persuade everybody else to fall in line with whatever is being peddled by the individual. It might be a good idea, for us, once in a while, to pay tribute to the stubborn independence of the hardy citizen who has the nerve to look the population in the face and say despite flurry, "I don't agree." In fact, it might be even better, when you run across somebody Who disagrees with you for you to give your own views a mental check-up, intelligently assessing your own opinions on the basis of what you know and what you do not know to be the truth. This does not mean accepting the opinion of others as on undeniable fact. It means using your own intelligence and experience to balance your oWn thoughts and actions. Somebody will ask, immediately, what happens in the case of the individual who hasn't the facts or the experience on which to base an intelligent decision? The answer is easy, don't rush your determination and don't act on a half-baked idea. Try thinking, for a change. Brief Comments Let your own discretion be your tutor: suit the action to the word, the word to the action. —Shakespeare. There is a time to wink as well as to see. —Thomas Fuller. Congolese Blast U. N. At Funeral U. N. officials were conspicuously absent from the funera for Lt. Col. Joseph nkokolo and three Congolese enlisted men. It was amed that Congolese strongman Col. Joseph Mobutu had promptly advised U. N. authorities that their presence would be "unwise." Three U. N. helicopters circled local U. N. command headquarters to spot any signs of trouble as more than 150,000 persons lined the streets to see the funeral cortege. As the cortege made its way to the African Protestant Church for the "national funeral" rites decreed by Mobutu, bystanders cried "U. N., go home" and other slogans hostile to the world body. The Congolese army provided a guard of honors Representing the United States at the ceremonies was military attache Col. Edwin Dannemiller who had been roughed up himself by a Congolese mob Sunday. The mob, angry over a traffic accident, had stabbed two of Dannemiller's companions in the weekend incident. The four Congolese soldiers were killed Monday night when Mobutu's, soldiers, trying to force the expulsion of Ghannaian Charge d'Affaires Nathaniel Welback, clashed with U. N. Tunisian troops, Welback eventually abandoned his embassy and flew home Tuesday. In the Ghannaian capital of Accra Wednesday, Welback accused the United States, France, Britain and Belgium of giving active support to "Congo rebels." In an interview with the Accra Evening News, Welback claimed that the late Col. Nkokolo, "was the man who urged Mobutu on to cause trouble." A U. N. spokesman said Wednesday that revised casualty figures in the Monday night clash stand at one Tunisian soldier killed and 11 others, wounded, four Congolese killed and more than 11 wounded. There were continuing signs of Congolese hostility and bitterness toward the United Nations in the wake of the bloody clash. Wednesday morning, Congolese troops halted a Canadian king commander and took his car, with U. N. markings, away from him. The officer was not molested. Special U. N. representative to the Congo Rajeshwar Dayal returned to the Congo from New York Wednesday. He and his wife landed at Brazzaville, across the river in the former French Congo, and were met by Brig. Gen. Inderjit Rikhye, the special U. N. military adviser. Soviet warns U. N. on seat for Red China. PROVIDED HONOR GUARD U. N. officials were conspicuously absent from the funera for Lt. Col. Joseph nkokolo and three Congolese enlisted men. It was amed that Congolese strongman Col. Joseph Mobutu had promptly advised U. N. authorities that their presence would be "unwise." Three U. N. helicopters circled local U. N. command headquarters to spot any signs of trouble as more than 150,000 persons lined the streets to see the funeral cortege. As the cortege made its way to the African Protestant Church for the "national funeral" rites decreed by Mobutu, bystanders cried "U. N., go home" and other slogans hostile to the world body. The Congolese army provided a guard of honors Representing the United States at the ceremonies was military attache Col. Edwin Dannemiller who had been roughed up himself by a Congolese mob Sunday. The mob, angry over a traffic accident, had stabbed two of Dannemiller's companions in the weekend incident. The four Congolese soldiers were killed Monday night when Mobutu's, soldiers, trying to force the expulsion of Ghannaian Charge d'Affaires Nathaniel Welback, clashed with U. N. Tunisian troops, Welback eventually abandoned his embassy and flew home Tuesday. In the Ghannaian capital of Accra Wednesday, Welback accused the United States, France, Britain and Belgium of giving active support to "Congo rebels." In an interview with the Accra Evening News, Welback claimed that the late Col. Nkokolo, "was the man who urged Mobutu on to cause trouble." A U. N. spokesman said Wednesday that revised casualty figures in the Monday night clash stand at one Tunisian soldier killed and 11 others, wounded, four Congolese killed and more than 11 wounded. There were continuing signs of Congolese hostility and bitterness toward the United Nations in the wake of the bloody clash. Wednesday morning, Congolese troops halted a Canadian king commander and took his car, with U. N. markings, away from him. The officer was not molested. Special U. N. representative to the Congo Rajeshwar Dayal returned to the Congo from New York Wednesday. He and his wife landed at Brazzaville, across the river in the former French Congo, and were met by Brig. Gen. Inderjit Rikhye, the special U. N. military adviser. Soviet warns U. N. on seat for Red China. REVISE CASUALTY FIGURES U. N. officials were conspicuously absent from the funera for Lt. Col. Joseph nkokolo and three Congolese enlisted men. It was amed that Congolese strongman Col. Joseph Mobutu had promptly advised U. N. authorities that their presence would be "unwise." Three U. N. helicopters circled local U. N. command headquarters to spot any signs of trouble as more than 150,000 persons lined the streets to see the funeral cortege. As the cortege made its way to the African Protestant Church for the "national funeral" rites decreed by Mobutu, bystanders cried "U. N., go home" and other slogans hostile to the world body. The Congolese army provided a guard of honors Representing the United States at the ceremonies was military attache Col. Edwin Dannemiller who had been roughed up himself by a Congolese mob Sunday. The mob, angry over a traffic accident, had stabbed two of Dannemiller's companions in the weekend incident. The four Congolese soldiers were killed Monday night when Mobutu's, soldiers, trying to force the expulsion of Ghannaian Charge d'Affaires Nathaniel Welback, clashed with U. N. Tunisian troops, Welback eventually abandoned his embassy and flew home Tuesday. In the Ghannaian capital of Accra Wednesday, Welback accused the United States, France, Britain and Belgium of giving active support to "Congo rebels." In an interview with the Accra Evening News, Welback claimed that the late Col. Nkokolo, "was the man who urged Mobutu on to cause trouble." A U. N. spokesman said Wednesday that revised casualty figures in the Monday night clash stand at one Tunisian soldier killed and 11 others, wounded, four Congolese killed and more than 11 wounded. There were continuing signs of Congolese hostility and bitterness toward the United Nations in the wake of the bloody clash. Wednesday morning, Congolese troops halted a Canadian king commander and took his car, with U. N. markings, away from him. The officer was not molested. Special U. N. representative to the Congo Rajeshwar Dayal returned to the Congo from New York Wednesday. He and his wife landed at Brazzaville, across the river in the former French Congo, and were met by Brig. Gen. Inderjit Rikhye, the special U. N. military adviser. Soviet warns U. N. on seat for Red China. Congolese Beaf army commander Col. Joseph Nkokolo. Official reports said that Nkokolo and a Tunisian soldier were killed. Two Congolese and eight Tunisian soldiers were wounded, these reports said Other reports put the number of dead as high as eight - five Congolese and three. Tunisians assigned to guard the Ghana embassy. It was the first armed clash between U. N. and Congolese forces and the first in which African fired on African. The United Nations appeared to have been gravely compromised. Brig. Gen, Indarjit Rikhye, U. N. Secretary Gen. Dag Hammarskjold's acting special representative in The Congo, said he profoundly regretted the incident. He said he had personally offered his sympathy and condolences to the family of Colonel Nkokolo. "The U. N. role is based on a mandate in the field of maintaining law and order," Rikhye said. "But the United Nations has never contested or become involved in the decision of a head of state regarding any diplomat." Rikhye said Mobutu's Council of High Commissioners "had assured the U. N. it was not their intention to resort to force in the expulsion of Welbeck." FIRST ARMED CLASH army commander Col. Joseph Nkokolo. Official reports said that Nkokolo and a Tunisian soldier were killed. Two Congolese and eight Tunisian soldiers were wounded, these reports said Other reports put the number of dead as high as eight - five Congolese and three. Tunisians assigned to guard the Ghana embassy. It was the first armed clash between U. N. and Congolese forces and the first in which African fired on African. The United Nations appeared to have been gravely compromised. Brig. Gen, Indarjit Rikhye, U. N. Secretary Gen. Dag Hammarskjold's acting special representative in The Congo, said he profoundly regretted the incident. He said he had personally offered his sympathy and condolences to the family of Colonel Nkokolo. "The U. N. role is based on a mandate in the field of maintaining law and order," Rikhye said. "But the United Nations has never contested or become involved in the decision of a head of state regarding any diplomat." Rikhye said Mobutu's Council of High Commissioners "had assured the U. N. it was not their intention to resort to force in the expulsion of Welbeck." Couple Charges abridged, she charged. Her husband's suit brought up a new and untested legal argument against the unit system — that the U. S. Constitution provides for election of congressmen by vote of the people and not by counties. The suit in effect charges that a county is not a voter but that under the unit system it is acting in that capacity. Chatham county has six unit votes, while most other counties in the district have two unit votes. Under the county unit system, all the unit votes of each county goes to the candidate who receives a majority of the popular votes. Atlanta Attorney Morris Abram, one of the eight lawyers representing the Helmlys, cited "historical evidence" dating back to the nation's constitutional convention to show that the U. S. Constitution meant that only the people should elect congressmen not the counties or any other political subdivision. Both suits are damage actions, each asking $10,000 and both charge that the Democratic primary in Georgia is tantamount to election and has been since 1875— this is probable answer to unit supporters who maintain that if voters don't like the system thay have resource in the general election where only popular votes count. Named as defendants were E. E. Wells, secretary of the First District's Democratic Executive Committee all members of the First District Committee; James H. Gray, chairman of the State Democratic Executive Committee; George D. Stewart, secretary of the State Democratic Executive Committee and all members of the committee. Signing as counsel for the Helmly's, who operate a furniture store here, were in addition to Hartsfield and Abram, Charles L. Weltner, Maurice N. Maloof, Joseph Lefkoff, Osgood O. Williams, John H. Hicks, all of Atlanta, and Edward T. Brennan of Savannah. Hartsfield unsuccessfully attempted to have the unit system declared unconstitutional in 1958 in a suit that went to the U. S. Supreme Court. The court ruled 5-4 against him, contending it had no authority over how individual states conducted their elections. Abram said Helmly's suit is different from that of Hartsfield in that it alleges the voters elect congressmen by popular ballot while under the unit rule the counties actually electr congressmen. He said that only the votes of "humans ... not counties must be counted." Abram said the wrong committed in the First District primary was that a candidate for Congress who received a minority of the popular votes was selected. Th he added, was a violation of the Constitution. He noted that the Constitution specifically provides that the president shall be elected by the Electoral College but that members of the house must be elected by popular vote. Federal Judge Frank Scarlett of the Southern Federal District Court will hear the cases but no date has been set. ARGUMENT UNTESTED abridged, she charged. Her husband's suit brought up a new and untested legal argument against the unit system — that the U. S. Constitution provides for election of congressmen by vote of the people and not by counties. The suit in effect charges that a county is not a voter but that under the unit system it is acting in that capacity. Chatham county has six unit votes, while most other counties in the district have two unit votes. Under the county unit system, all the unit votes of each county goes to the candidate who receives a majority of the popular votes. Atlanta Attorney Morris Abram, one of the eight lawyers representing the Helmlys, cited "historical evidence" dating back to the nation's constitutional convention to show that the U. S. Constitution meant that only the people should elect congressmen not the counties or any other political subdivision. Both suits are damage actions, each asking $10,000 and both charge that the Democratic primary in Georgia is tantamount to election and has been since 1875— this is probable answer to unit supporters who maintain that if voters don't like the system thay have resource in the general election where only popular votes count. Named as defendants were E. E. Wells, secretary of the First District's Democratic Executive Committee all members of the First District Committee; James H. Gray, chairman of the State Democratic Executive Committee; George D. Stewart, secretary of the State Democratic Executive Committee and all members of the committee. Signing as counsel for the Helmly's, who operate a furniture store here, were in addition to Hartsfield and Abram, Charles L. Weltner, Maurice N. Maloof, Joseph Lefkoff, Osgood O. Williams, John H. Hicks, all of Atlanta, and Edward T. Brennan of Savannah. Hartsfield unsuccessfully attempted to have the unit system declared unconstitutional in 1958 in a suit that went to the U. S. Supreme Court. The court ruled 5-4 against him, contending it had no authority over how individual states conducted their elections. Abram said Helmly's suit is different from that of Hartsfield in that it alleges the voters elect congressmen by popular ballot while under the unit rule the counties actually electr congressmen. He said that only the votes of "humans ... not counties must be counted." Abram said the wrong committed in the First District primary was that a candidate for Congress who received a minority of the popular votes was selected. Th he added, was a violation of the Constitution. He noted that the Constitution specifically provides that the president shall be elected by the Electoral College but that members of the house must be elected by popular vote. Federal Judge Frank Scarlett of the Southern Federal District Court will hear the cases but no date has been set. MANY DEFENDANTS abridged, she charged. Her husband's suit brought up a new and untested legal argument against the unit system — that the U. S. Constitution provides for election of congressmen by vote of the people and not by counties. The suit in effect charges that a county is not a voter but that under the unit system it is acting in that capacity. Chatham county has six unit votes, while most other counties in the district have two unit votes. Under the county unit system, all the unit votes of each county goes to the candidate who receives a majority of the popular votes. Atlanta Attorney Morris Abram, one of the eight lawyers representing the Helmlys, cited "historical evidence" dating back to the nation's constitutional convention to show that the U. S. Constitution meant that only the people should elect congressmen not the counties or any other political subdivision. Both suits are damage actions, each asking $10,000 and both charge that the Democratic primary in Georgia is tantamount to election and has been since 1875— this is probable answer to unit supporters who maintain that if voters don't like the system thay have resource in the general election where only popular votes count. Named as defendants were E. E. Wells, secretary of the First District's Democratic Executive Committee all members of the First District Committee; James H. Gray, chairman of the State Democratic Executive Committee; George D. Stewart, secretary of the State Democratic Executive Committee and all members of the committee. Signing as counsel for the Helmly's, who operate a furniture store here, were in addition to Hartsfield and Abram, Charles L. Weltner, Maurice N. Maloof, Joseph Lefkoff, Osgood O. Williams, John H. Hicks, all of Atlanta, and Edward T. Brennan of Savannah. Hartsfield unsuccessfully attempted to have the unit system declared unconstitutional in 1958 in a suit that went to the U. S. Supreme Court. The court ruled 5-4 against him, contending it had no authority over how individual states conducted their elections. Abram said Helmly's suit is different from that of Hartsfield in that it alleges the voters elect congressmen by popular ballot while under the unit rule the counties actually electr congressmen. He said that only the votes of "humans ... not counties must be counted." Abram said the wrong committed in the First District primary was that a candidate for Congress who received a minority of the popular votes was selected. Th he added, was a violation of the Constitution. He noted that the Constitution specifically provides that the president shall be elected by the Electoral College but that members of the house must be elected by popular vote. Federal Judge Frank Scarlett of the Southern Federal District Court will hear the cases but no date has been set. Conference On Company, who also spent some time recently on a U. S. Government sponsored project in West Africa. At 2:30 P. M. there will be a panel discussion featuring, African students in the Center. Dr. Horace Mann Bond, Dean of the School of Education at Atlanta University and president of the American Society of African Culture, will be the speaker at the dinner meeting, which is scheduled for 6:00 P. M. The evening address scheduled at 7:30 o'clock will be delivered by the Reverend Bob van der Heide of the University of Daka, Senegal, West Africa. The morning and afternoon sessions are scheduled for room 114 of the Morehouse Chemistry Building, and the evening meeting will be held in the Dean Sage Auditorium on the Atlanta University campus. All students who wish to learn more about this first major breakthrough in meeting Africans of this level are expected to attend this significant conference. This invitation is urgently extended to all students who hope to go to Africa under such a program or who wish to learn from those who have gone. All African students are also urged to attend. All sessions are open to the general public, and it is hoped that there will be a good response from the Atlanta public at large. The conference was planned by Dr. G. McLeod Bryan, professor at Wake Forest college, winston Salem, North Carolina. Things You Should Know MOLLISON... . . .O SEEING and SAYING By WILLIAM FOWLKES World's Managing Editor OUT OF GEORGIA last week came a story which should furnish the answer to all those questioning school desegregation moves in the Deep South. This story can be told over and over again in our beloved South, which seems to desire most of all to keep the Negro child at a disadvantage, while proclaiming to other parts of America and the world that everything is all right. THE PICTURES AND STORIES out of New Orleans tell a story which should shame not only Louisiana, but the United States of America. THE FACT THAT our South may blind itself with so much prejudice and reaction that it can never reach an equilibrium should furnish more concern for, not only this region, but the whole nation. In seeking to enter the closed halls of learning, technocracy and industry, the Negro is only asking for an opportunity to get into the main stream of culture which characterizes American and world civilization. Does any honest, right-thinking American believe that he should be denied this right of opportunity? The Right Of Opportunity By WILLIAM FOWLKES World's Managing Editor OUT OF GEORGIA last week came a story which should furnish the answer to all those questioning school desegregation moves in the Deep South. This story can be told over and over again in our beloved South, which seems to desire most of all to keep the Negro child at a disadvantage, while proclaiming to other parts of America and the world that everything is all right. THE PICTURES AND STORIES out of New Orleans tell a story which should shame not only Louisiana, but the United States of America. THE FACT THAT our South may blind itself with so much prejudice and reaction that it can never reach an equilibrium should furnish more concern for, not only this region, but the whole nation. In seeking to enter the closed halls of learning, technocracy and industry, the Negro is only asking for an opportunity to get into the main stream of culture which characterizes American and world civilization. Does any honest, right-thinking American believe that he should be denied this right of opportunity? Court To thicket" of political apportionment actions taken at the state level. A week ago however, the court directed that a trial be held in the gerrymandering of the Alabama community of Tuskegee where Negroes claimed they were deliberately excluded from voting in the city. Monday, by agreeing to hold hearings in the Tennessee case, the court went even further since the racial question was not involved in the dispute. The request for a hearing was brought by a group of voters in Shelby County, Tenn., who said the General Assembly has given them only one-tenth of the representation of counties with much smaller populations. The Shelby County plaintiffs were supported in a "friend - of the - court" brief by the National Institute of Municipal Law Officers which represents about 1,200 cities. The institute urged the Supreme Court to take action against what was called "gross discrimination" against city residents. At issue was a ruling by a special three-judge federal panel in Nashville last Dec, 21 that federal courts have no jurisdiction in such cases. A previous case testing the Tennessee apportionment had been turned down by the high court in 1956. Today's action means that the Supreme Court will hear, arguments in the dispute and hand down a ruling later. The main precedent until now has been a 1946 court decision which involved congressional rather than state legislative apportion ment. The Supreme Court also: — Refused to consider a complaint of scientist Linus C. Pauling who last summer fought a Senate demand that he disclose the names of distributors of a petition against further nuclear testing. — Let stand a Maryland Supreme Court ruling which barred a retailer from suing another for cutting minimum prices set by a manufacturer under the state's "fair trade" law. — Let stand a California ruling that direct pipeline gas sales by a producer to a single industrial customer are exempt from state regulations. CLAIM REPRESENTATION UNFAIR thicket" of political apportionment actions taken at the state level. A week ago however, the court directed that a trial be held in the gerrymandering of the Alabama community of Tuskegee where Negroes claimed they were deliberately excluded from voting in the city. Monday, by agreeing to hold hearings in the Tennessee case, the court went even further since the racial question was not involved in the dispute. The request for a hearing was brought by a group of voters in Shelby County, Tenn., who said the General Assembly has given them only one-tenth of the representation of counties with much smaller populations. The Shelby County plaintiffs were supported in a "friend - of the - court" brief by the National Institute of Municipal Law Officers which represents about 1,200 cities. The institute urged the Supreme Court to take action against what was called "gross discrimination" against city residents. At issue was a ruling by a special three-judge federal panel in Nashville last Dec, 21 that federal courts have no jurisdiction in such cases. A previous case testing the Tennessee apportionment had been turned down by the high court in 1956. Today's action means that the Supreme Court will hear, arguments in the dispute and hand down a ruling later. The main precedent until now has been a 1946 court decision which involved congressional rather than state legislative apportion ment. The Supreme Court also: — Refused to consider a complaint of scientist Linus C. Pauling who last summer fought a Senate demand that he disclose the names of distributors of a petition against further nuclear testing. — Let stand a Maryland Supreme Court ruling which barred a retailer from suing another for cutting minimum prices set by a manufacturer under the state's "fair trade" law. — Let stand a California ruling that direct pipeline gas sales by a producer to a single industrial customer are exempt from state regulations. ..WILL RULE LATER thicket" of political apportionment actions taken at the state level. A week ago however, the court directed that a trial be held in the gerrymandering of the Alabama community of Tuskegee where Negroes claimed they were deliberately excluded from voting in the city. Monday, by agreeing to hold hearings in the Tennessee case, the court went even further since the racial question was not involved in the dispute. The request for a hearing was brought by a group of voters in Shelby County, Tenn., who said the General Assembly has given them only one-tenth of the representation of counties with much smaller populations. The Shelby County plaintiffs were supported in a "friend - of the - court" brief by the National Institute of Municipal Law Officers which represents about 1,200 cities. The institute urged the Supreme Court to take action against what was called "gross discrimination" against city residents. At issue was a ruling by a special three-judge federal panel in Nashville last Dec, 21 that federal courts have no jurisdiction in such cases. A previous case testing the Tennessee apportionment had been turned down by the high court in 1956. Today's action means that the Supreme Court will hear, arguments in the dispute and hand down a ruling later. The main precedent until now has been a 1946 court decision which involved congressional rather than state legislative apportion ment. The Supreme Court also: — Refused to consider a complaint of scientist Linus C. Pauling who last summer fought a Senate demand that he disclose the names of distributors of a petition against further nuclear testing. — Let stand a Maryland Supreme Court ruling which barred a retailer from suing another for cutting minimum prices set by a manufacturer under the state's "fair trade" law. — Let stand a California ruling that direct pipeline gas sales by a producer to a single industrial customer are exempt from state regulations. Annual Church phia. Pa.; Bishop U. E. Miller, general secretary Church of God in Christ, International. Says Recount showed Kennedy leading Nixon by 194,676 popular votes out of a total of 68,508,713. The total includes 34,095,416 for Kennedy, 33,900,740 for Nixon and 512,557 for unpledged electors and minor party candidates. Kennedy's percentage for the two-party vote, was 50,143, compared with 49, 857 per cent for Nixon. Cuba Launches more vocal than actual." The U. S. has definitely been put on notice "that any direct Yankee - imperialist interference with Cuba, any attempt to use its military superiority against the Cuban people and revolution will bring a rain of Soviet rockets on U. S. soil," the newspaper said. At the same time, the newspaper. Revolucion lampooned Kennedy as "another Eisenhower-type, golfer-politician." The newspaper, official organ of Castro's 26th of July party, said Kennedy was getting his "pre-presidential 'training' at Palm Beach." The new anti-American blasts coincide with an announcement in Washington that the U. S. is prepared to keep its special naval patrol in the Caribbean for "an indefinite time." A FEVER in the BLOOD From the novel published by St. Martin's Press, Inc. Copyright © 1959, by William Pearson. Distributed by King Features Syndicate AT ELEVEN in the evening District Attorney Dan Callahan knocked on the door of Mickey Beers's apartment. The door opened, and Callahan limped into the shabby living room. "Where's your wife, Mickey?" "Asleep. What gives?" "Give me a drink. You'll need one too." Beers brought out a whisky bottle, glasses, and ice. Callahan watched while he poured. "This Thomas woman's making trouble, Mickey." "Yeah, some deal." The District Attorney took his drink. "How much you got in the bank?" "In the bank? I dunno. Two hundred bucks." Callahan closed his eyes. "Mickey, I've done hard things before, but this is the hardest I'll make it short and sweet. I've got to fire you. Or maybe just suspend you. It depends on how it goes. There's too much heat on because of that little kid." Beers gaped dumbly. "Somebody has to take the rap, Mickey. You're the goat." Beers groped for a chair. "You . . . you can't do this, Boss." "You think I to?" "I got an invalid wife, Boss. I got kids. You think I can let 'em starve?" "They won't starve. I'll see that you get money." Beers choked on a bitter, frightened laugh. "Oh, sure. And what happens to me if something happens to you? Who's going to hire a man of forty-seven who's been canned, suspended, from the D.A.'s office. Who?" "Mickey, what can I do? It isn't my idea." Beers took a desperate swallow of his drink. "Boss, the things I done for you, the things I done. All for you. The Hart trial. I got that stuff about Hart going after his wife with a knife into evidence." "I didn't tell you to do that." "How the hell can you say that? You said, you know you did, that if that attorney asked me the right kind of question, I could work it in and get away with it." Callahan rubbed sweating hands on his trousers. "You're not looking at this right. It's only a few months." "I won that case for you." He sat rigid, a man carved from stone. "I won it. You get to be Governor, and you'll get there because I won that case." "Okay, you did a lot in that case. But...." "A lot! That ain't half of it." Beers's squinting eyes became crafty. "How do you think that codein bottle got in Hart's desk?" Callahan froze, "Say that again." "Sure, any old time. I put it there!" "You " "You heard right. I put it there. Me, myself, and I." He saw the look in Callahan's face and cringed. "Boss, I was just trying to help . . ." "Help!" The cords in Callahan's neck bulged. "You told me to sew the case up, so nobody could say there'd been a fix." Callahan groaned. In a voice from which all inflection had vanished and only finality was left, he said, "You're going to write out a statement, Mickey telling what you did." Then his fury caught up with him. "Go on, get the paper. Get it!" "Huh? Whattya mean?" "I can't front for you on this. Not on a felony. You're going to jail." Beers wrapped his ape-like hands around the chair arms. "No, I ain't going to jail. No, sir. Not unless you want me to say whose idea it was to claim we were on our way to make a pinch when we hit that kid." Callahan came out of his seat, his big fists doubled. "Mickey, I walked through that door hating my guts because I was giving you the rawest deal I've ever given a man. But now you're getting bigger ideas than you're man enough to handle. Go ahead, tell them. We'll see who they believe. By hell, as far as I knew, we were on our way to make a pinch. All I knew was, you told me you had a tip. That's the story you gave the reporters yourself." The stolid face of the man cowering in the chair wrestled with the thought. "Boss," he mumbled, "all these things. I was trying to help." "You sure helped. Planting fake evidence! Wait till Simon starts to play with that one. He'll laugh me out of the country." Beers looked up with sudden, frantic hope. "He doesn't have to know." "Doesn't have to know! Are you crazy? Hart's been convicted with faked evidence!" "But he's guilty, Boss. I can tell. By his eyes. By the way he ducked my questions. You get a feel for these things . . . I don't know how it is . . . you just get a feel for them . . ." Almost buoyant now, he said, "My aching back, I wouldn't if put that bottle in his desk if I didn't know he was guilty." Callahan stared at his investigator in almost speechless disbelief. "So this is as far as you've come from Boxer Square! Damn you! You haven't changed one bit since you were a kid. Not one bit! Still the same cheap punk . . ." "A cheap punk?" Beers rocked in his chair, a twisted smile on his lips. "Okay, maybe changes. Because you ain't so lily-white either. Who was it told me to work that stuff about Hart's going after his wife into evidence? Then you stood right in front of Hoffman, you liar, and told him you hadn't coached me." Callahan trembled with the strength of the emotion he was feeling. "That was no lie, Mickey. I didn't coach you; I said you could do it if the defense asked you a question about it. There's a lot of difference, but what would you know about that? Are you another jailhouse lawyer? Anyhow Hoffman had a chance to call a mistrial if he didn't like it. Did he? No! He knew I was right legally." "You ain't so lily-white some other ways. No, sir." Beers took a deep breath, "Boss . . . you turn me in . . . you turn me in . . . then I got to tell them how you really lost your leg in Italy." He put up his hands as if he expected to ward a blow. "I got to, Boss. Because I got a sick wife, kids. They'd be out on the street." Everything drained from Callahan's face. He found a chair. "When did I tell you about that?" "One night. Right after the war. You were pretty tanked, Boss. You passed out cold about ten minutes later. I had to take you home, help Lucia get you into bed. I figured you didn't remember all right." "I trusted you," Callahan said. Beers shivered. "I don't want to tell. How could I want to hurt you? Look at the things I done for you. Would I of done 'em if I didn't want you to win? I'm not smart, maybe, like the others, but I'm loyal, Boss. You got to let me keep my job." "All right, I'm saddled with you!" Callahan got to his feet, still trembling. "We've got to get Hart a new trial. But how? How?" He stood there, a massive tormented figure in the isolation of a search for ways and means. "Yeah," he said slowly, "yeah . . . ." He raised his head, clasped his hands behind his lack. "I'll join in supporting the affidavit Temple's filed with he Supreme Court. And I'll say . . . I'll say that the District Attorney respectfully requests that in view of Temple's uncertainty, the defendant be given a new trial." He began to smile. "Sure. And I'll tell Charlie Hart what I'm going to do. Then Charlie and I, maybe we'll . . ." "Boss . . ." Startled, Callahan looked around. The smile faded. "And the next time, no codeine bottle. No nothing from you. You've still got you job, but that's all you've got." He limped from the apartment and into the night. CHAPTER 1 From the novel published by St. Martin's Press, Inc. Copyright © 1959, by William Pearson. Distributed by King Features Syndicate AT ELEVEN in the evening District Attorney Dan Callahan knocked on the door of Mickey Beers's apartment. The door opened, and Callahan limped into the shabby living room. "Where's your wife, Mickey?" "Asleep. What gives?" "Give me a drink. You'll need one too." Beers brought out a whisky bottle, glasses, and ice. Callahan watched while he poured. "This Thomas woman's making trouble, Mickey." "Yeah, some deal." The District Attorney took his drink. "How much you got in the bank?" "In the bank? I dunno. Two hundred bucks." Callahan closed his eyes. "Mickey, I've done hard things before, but this is the hardest I'll make it short and sweet. I've got to fire you. Or maybe just suspend you. It depends on how it goes. There's too much heat on because of that little kid." Beers gaped dumbly. "Somebody has to take the rap, Mickey. You're the goat." Beers groped for a chair. "You . . . you can't do this, Boss." "You think I to?" "I got an invalid wife, Boss. I got kids. You think I can let 'em starve?" "They won't starve. I'll see that you get money." Beers choked on a bitter, frightened laugh. "Oh, sure. And what happens to me if something happens to you? Who's going to hire a man of forty-seven who's been canned, suspended, from the D.A.'s office. Who?" "Mickey, what can I do? It isn't my idea." Beers took a desperate swallow of his drink. "Boss, the things I done for you, the things I done. All for you. The Hart trial. I got that stuff about Hart going after his wife with a knife into evidence." "I didn't tell you to do that." "How the hell can you say that? You said, you know you did, that if that attorney asked me the right kind of question, I could work it in and get away with it." Callahan rubbed sweating hands on his trousers. "You're not looking at this right. It's only a few months." "I won that case for you." He sat rigid, a man carved from stone. "I won it. You get to be Governor, and you'll get there because I won that case." "Okay, you did a lot in that case. But...." "A lot! That ain't half of it." Beers's squinting eyes became crafty. "How do you think that codein bottle got in Hart's desk?" Callahan froze, "Say that again." "Sure, any old time. I put it there!" "You " "You heard right. I put it there. Me, myself, and I." He saw the look in Callahan's face and cringed. "Boss, I was just trying to help . . ." "Help!" The cords in Callahan's neck bulged. "You told me to sew the case up, so nobody could say there'd been a fix." Callahan groaned. In a voice from which all inflection had vanished and only finality was left, he said, "You're going to write out a statement, Mickey telling what you did." Then his fury caught up with him. "Go on, get the paper. Get it!" "Huh? Whattya mean?" "I can't front for you on this. Not on a felony. You're going to jail." Beers wrapped his ape-like hands around the chair arms. "No, I ain't going to jail. No, sir. Not unless you want me to say whose idea it was to claim we were on our way to make a pinch when we hit that kid." Callahan came out of his seat, his big fists doubled. "Mickey, I walked through that door hating my guts because I was giving you the rawest deal I've ever given a man. But now you're getting bigger ideas than you're man enough to handle. Go ahead, tell them. We'll see who they believe. By hell, as far as I knew, we were on our way to make a pinch. All I knew was, you told me you had a tip. That's the story you gave the reporters yourself." The stolid face of the man cowering in the chair wrestled with the thought. "Boss," he mumbled, "all these things. I was trying to help." "You sure helped. Planting fake evidence! Wait till Simon starts to play with that one. He'll laugh me out of the country." Beers looked up with sudden, frantic hope. "He doesn't have to know." "Doesn't have to know! Are you crazy? Hart's been convicted with faked evidence!" "But he's guilty, Boss. I can tell. By his eyes. By the way he ducked my questions. You get a feel for these things . . . I don't know how it is . . . you just get a feel for them . . ." Almost buoyant now, he said, "My aching back, I wouldn't if put that bottle in his desk if I didn't know he was guilty." Callahan stared at his investigator in almost speechless disbelief. "So this is as far as you've come from Boxer Square! Damn you! You haven't changed one bit since you were a kid. Not one bit! Still the same cheap punk . . ." "A cheap punk?" Beers rocked in his chair, a twisted smile on his lips. "Okay, maybe changes. Because you ain't so lily-white either. Who was it told me to work that stuff about Hart's going after his wife into evidence? Then you stood right in front of Hoffman, you liar, and told him you hadn't coached me." Callahan trembled with the strength of the emotion he was feeling. "That was no lie, Mickey. I didn't coach you; I said you could do it if the defense asked you a question about it. There's a lot of difference, but what would you know about that? Are you another jailhouse lawyer? Anyhow Hoffman had a chance to call a mistrial if he didn't like it. Did he? No! He knew I was right legally." "You ain't so lily-white some other ways. No, sir." Beers took a deep breath, "Boss . . . you turn me in . . . you turn me in . . . then I got to tell them how you really lost your leg in Italy." He put up his hands as if he expected to ward a blow. "I got to, Boss. Because I got a sick wife, kids. They'd be out on the street." Everything drained from Callahan's face. He found a chair. "When did I tell you about that?" "One night. Right after the war. You were pretty tanked, Boss. You passed out cold about ten minutes later. I had to take you home, help Lucia get you into bed. I figured you didn't remember all right." "I trusted you," Callahan said. Beers shivered. "I don't want to tell. How could I want to hurt you? Look at the things I done for you. Would I of done 'em if I didn't want you to win? I'm not smart, maybe, like the others, but I'm loyal, Boss. You got to let me keep my job." "All right, I'm saddled with you!" Callahan got to his feet, still trembling. "We've got to get Hart a new trial. But how? How?" He stood there, a massive tormented figure in the isolation of a search for ways and means. "Yeah," he said slowly, "yeah . . . ." He raised his head, clasped his hands behind his lack. "I'll join in supporting the affidavit Temple's filed with he Supreme Court. And I'll say . . . I'll say that the District Attorney respectfully requests that in view of Temple's uncertainty, the defendant be given a new trial." He began to smile. "Sure. And I'll tell Charlie Hart what I'm going to do. Then Charlie and I, maybe we'll . . ." "Boss . . ." Startled, Callahan looked around. The smile faded. "And the next time, no codeine bottle. No nothing from you. You've still got you job, but that's all you've got." He limped from the apartment and into the night. Ask Teachers To 'Work For Free' In New Orleans School Superintendent Dr. James F. Redmond announced Tuesday that the $2 million payroll due Wednesday to 4,500 employees-mostly teachers - must be "withheld" indefinitely. Redmond said the only hope was that Gov. Jimmie Davis would "rise above the noisy emotions" of state legislators and release state funds to keep the city's school system running. The state legislature so disgruntled over integration of two elementary schools by four Negro girls that it has tried repeatedly to fire Redmond and the school board, meets again Wednesday. It will reportedly consider giving the school board enough money to pay the teachers, but it was expected to have strings attached. One report was that a bill would be introduced to pay the teachers, providing they refuse to teach integrated classes. The schools are empty this week for teacher's conventions in Baton Rouge and the Thanksgiving holiday. The school board is still awaiting a federal court ruling on its motion to halt integration while the state and federal governments settle their struggle over sovereignty. Racial violence, which came to a head last Wednesday, still breaks out in sporadic, isolated incidents in the night. "As of this moment, banks can be of no assistance," Redmond said. School officials said earlier that banks were balking at issuing the customary loans because they couldn't be sure who is running the schools. The school board, in effect, has been running the schools but the state insists it has fired the board and it is running the schools. Illinois Team he scored 48 points. According to Coach Simmons, he is "best on sweeps or on a trap play and is good on a dive when we need only a few inches or a couple Of feet." "We might lose to Manassas, but this is a real good ball club, and is the best team I have had in the six years I have been here," Coach Simmons said. The Lincoln Tigers are rated No. 5 in the St. Louis — East St. Louis area. Louisiana Asked To Take Back Votes From John Kennedy Leaders of Louisiana's Democratic Central Committee Tuesday frowned upon a proposal to withhold Louisiana's 10 electoral votes from President - elect John F. Kennedy. Charles Riddle of Marksville, La., chairman of the state committee.