Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1950-02-14 Lewis O. Swingler MEMPHIS WORLD The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every TUESDAY and FRIDAY at 164 BEALE—Phone 8-4030 Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1879 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II. Founder, C. A. Scott, General Manager The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper—non sectarian and non-partisan printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to the interest of its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Year $5.00—6 Months $3.00—3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) Youth And Religion We like what G. Stanley Russell has to say in his discussion of the challenge of the child in the February issue of Christian Herald. He says that child psychology must not be permitted to replace the responsibility of parents to the upbringing of their children. "I fail to find," he insists, "our modern boys and girls any different fundamentally from those of my own youth—or from those of any bygone period I have studied." Nevertheless, he finds certain basic, indisputable facts about children which do not change from age to age or period to period. "You cannot leave young people alone. You have no right to evade the duty of influencing them toward true Christianity. And, he says, "if your religion mean what it ought to mean to you, you will not wish to." The business of religion is to awaken youth's hidden life for God. The one sure basis of our civilization is the Christian religion, which is not the negative but the positive. It is not the destruction of flowers and fruits, but the weeding of the garden, which makes flowers and fruits more secure and more luxuriant. Youth needs to be shown that Christianity is alive, progressive, not only up to date but ahead of our times. And youth needs to-be shown that true religion is satisfaction, adventure, challenge. Thus, it is not the pleasures of life-superficial, fleeting, and often deteriorating— that emphasis should be laid, but on life's lasting satisfactions. SEEING AND SAYING BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Mr. Fowlkes ALTHOUGH THE OFFICIAL end of World War II is some years away now, Georgians are still witnessing the spectacle of a General Assembly as rabid and subtle in its attacks on the minority as characterized some of the gubernatorial campaigns of the '30s. And, as for passing progressive legislation for all—it's not like that on Capitol Hill. It stabs deeply when one thinks about it, realizing that Negroes are a large part of the population, pay much of its taxes and are entitled to all its benefits. As far as this writer knows there was not a single speech made and recorded pushing the advancement of the Negro. Messages to and from the Assembly served notice that things would be about the same as they were in other days and that Negroes would be kept in their "place" and white folks in theirs. Negroes generally don't attend the Assembly sessions. They feel unwelcome and have been embarrassed about seating arrangements. They cannot act like full-fledged citizens in the air of their Senate and House where "unrepresentatives" perform and where tenseness prevails when the Negro advance issue is brought up. It will be a hard job to purge most of the million voters now in Georgia. But attempts will be made, to be sure. There will be violence and demonstrations, if the past can be an example. The people, however, must exert their privilege and duty of voting for men and issues to the Nth degree, if ever they would have a progressive and considerate government. Registration and re-registration drives must speed up, since it is the hope of a few that we will be caught sleeping at the gate of the election roundhouse. Citizens who have not registered should do so now. No campaign ought be needed. Youths come of voting age everyday. Many older citizens have never got around to registering so great has been the recollection of the past. It is easy to register. And yet voting is the most important dish in our diet of community, state and national life. Let's get busy and keep at it everyday for the sake of ourselves and our nation. REVIEWING THE NEWS BY WILLIAM GORDON There is still a question in the minds of many American Negroes as to whether organized labor is deeply concerned with the president's Civil Right program, especially in the manner that it will affect the Negro worker and the American economy. However, if we go back to the time of the Fifteenth annual conference on labor legislation, we'll find that there was a split vote on the part of labor and the figure ran 23 to 21. With a slight margin of the CIO votes favoring the program, only 44 out of 144 delegates present were recorded as casting a vote on the resolution. It has been generally known that labor, despite its strong propaganda program in regard to civil rights, still has many short-coming when it comes to dealing with minorities, and especially the Negro. Practices of bias have been evident in organized labor in regard to many programs. This has been evident ever since its inception, and even though, the Negro has been largely integrated into the labor movement during recent years, there remains a large segment of those who properly sold on the worth of the program and what it means to the total economy. This is largely due to a lot of corrupt leadership, resulting in confusion. The CIO, both local and national unions have been among the most democratic of labor groups. This of course has been largely due the principles of organization.. Following a mass organizing level, the Negro is bound to be taken into the framework of the order. Craft unions, as far as Negroes are concerned have been the most biased and prejudiced. Foremost among these have been the Railway Brotherhoods. The Railway Brotherhoods are still leading a fight against admitting the American Negro into the total framework of the railroad crafts. Their first approach to this question was to try to kill them while they rode on railway engines and during the time when they performed their work in and about the freight yards. When this method failed, they tried to get legislation through to eliminate the Negro from the jobs that they thought should be preserved for the white man. There are other craft unions, mostly found in the American Federation of Labor group that follow the same practices of the Railway Brotherhoods. It has become a common feeling among American Negroes, and especially those in the deep South, that organized labor has got to do a lot of "house cleaning" if it expects to swell its ranks with the membership of the "black worker." Its views and actions on civil rights, must be clarified. If labor is to advocate democratic practices in America, it must first try to practice such principles. IN THE NATION'S CAPITAL THE SECOND SESSION of the 81st Congress is now more than two months old and, despite, promises, fair employment practice legislation has not yet been brought up for consideration in either the Senate or House. At the beginning of the session, Senator Scott W. Lucas, of Illinois, the Majority Leader, announced that FEPC would be the second measure to be taken up. He said as soon as the Senate disposed of the bill to repeal federal taxes on oleomargarine he would move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the FEPC bill. The Senate began debate of the oleo bill on January 4 and passed it on January 18. During debate on the oleo bill and while the Senate had before it the civil rights bills proposed as amendments to the oleo bill by Senator William Langer, Republican, of North Dakota, Senator Francis J. Myers, of Pennsylvania, the Democratic Whip, stated on the Senate floor that Senator Lucas, speaking for himself and the majority of the Democratic Policy Committee, had repeatedly said debate would be scheduled on the F. E. P. C. bill "early in this session of Congress." Senators Myers, as a member of the Democratic Policy Committee, also gave his "solemn pledge that I shall work unrelentingly to bring up the FEPC bill." In the meantime, however, Senator Lucas had pushed several other bills ahead of FEPC for Senate consideration, and on the same day Senator Myers spoke the Illinoisan said that "in due course of this session..... we shall be constrained to take up certain phases of the civil rights program." He identified FEPC as the first civil rights measure to be brought up. Senator Lucas later promised to call up the FEPC bill for Senate debate in mid-February. He again changed, saying the measure will not be brought up in the Senate until after the House has acted on FEPC. Since Congress has been in session, the Senate has passed twentyfour bills. In addition to the oleo bill, the measures passed included the bill to amend the Hatch Act relative to the penalties for its violation, the resolution to amend the Constitution to give women equal rights with men, the Lodge-Gossett resolution to amend the Constitution relative to election of President and Vice President, and the military justice bill. None of these measures is important except the Lodge-Gossett resolution and in Capitol corridors it was said the only reason that resolution was called up Senator Lucas did not expect it to pass. "CONSTRAINT" SEEN THE SECOND SESSION of the 81st Congress is now more than two months old and, despite, promises, fair employment practice legislation has not yet been brought up for consideration in either the Senate or House. At the beginning of the session, Senator Scott W. Lucas, of Illinois, the Majority Leader, announced that FEPC would be the second measure to be taken up. He said as soon as the Senate disposed of the bill to repeal federal taxes on oleomargarine he would move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the FEPC bill. The Senate began debate of the oleo bill on January 4 and passed it on January 18. During debate on the oleo bill and while the Senate had before it the civil rights bills proposed as amendments to the oleo bill by Senator William Langer, Republican, of North Dakota, Senator Francis J. Myers, of Pennsylvania, the Democratic Whip, stated on the Senate floor that Senator Lucas, speaking for himself and the majority of the Democratic Policy Committee, had repeatedly said debate would be scheduled on the F. E. P. C. bill "early in this session of Congress." Senators Myers, as a member of the Democratic Policy Committee, also gave his "solemn pledge that I shall work unrelentingly to bring up the FEPC bill." In the meantime, however, Senator Lucas had pushed several other bills ahead of FEPC for Senate consideration, and on the same day Senator Myers spoke the Illinoisan said that "in due course of this session..... we shall be constrained to take up certain phases of the civil rights program." He identified FEPC as the first civil rights measure to be brought up. Senator Lucas later promised to call up the FEPC bill for Senate debate in mid-February. He again changed, saying the measure will not be brought up in the Senate until after the House has acted on FEPC. Since Congress has been in session, the Senate has passed twentyfour bills. In addition to the oleo bill, the measures passed included the bill to amend the Hatch Act relative to the penalties for its violation, the resolution to amend the Constitution to give women equal rights with men, the Lodge-Gossett resolution to amend the Constitution relative to election of President and Vice President, and the military justice bill. None of these measures is important except the Lodge-Gossett resolution and in Capitol corridors it was said the only reason that resolution was called up Senator Lucas did not expect it to pass. EXPECT NON-PASSAGE THE SECOND SESSION of the 81st Congress is now more than two months old and, despite, promises, fair employment practice legislation has not yet been brought up for consideration in either the Senate or House. At the beginning of the session, Senator Scott W. Lucas, of Illinois, the Majority Leader, announced that FEPC would be the second measure to be taken up. He said as soon as the Senate disposed of the bill to repeal federal taxes on oleomargarine he would move that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the FEPC bill. The Senate began debate of the oleo bill on January 4 and passed it on January 18. During debate on the oleo bill and while the Senate had before it the civil rights bills proposed as amendments to the oleo bill by Senator William Langer, Republican, of North Dakota, Senator Francis J. Myers, of Pennsylvania, the Democratic Whip, stated on the Senate floor that Senator Lucas, speaking for himself and the majority of the Democratic Policy Committee, had repeatedly said debate would be scheduled on the F. E. P. C. bill "early in this session of Congress." Senators Myers, as a member of the Democratic Policy Committee, also gave his "solemn pledge that I shall work unrelentingly to bring up the FEPC bill." In the meantime, however, Senator Lucas had pushed several other bills ahead of FEPC for Senate consideration, and on the same day Senator Myers spoke the Illinoisan said that "in due course of this session..... we shall be constrained to take up certain phases of the civil rights program." He identified FEPC as the first civil rights measure to be brought up. Senator Lucas later promised to call up the FEPC bill for Senate debate in mid-February. He again changed, saying the measure will not be brought up in the Senate until after the House has acted on FEPC. Since Congress has been in session, the Senate has passed twentyfour bills. In addition to the oleo bill, the measures passed included the bill to amend the Hatch Act relative to the penalties for its violation, the resolution to amend the Constitution to give women equal rights with men, the Lodge-Gossett resolution to amend the Constitution relative to election of President and Vice President, and the military justice bill. None of these measures is important except the Lodge-Gossett resolution and in Capitol corridors it was said the only reason that resolution was called up Senator Lucas did not expect it to pass. Taste-Teasers By NANCY COOK—ANS Features Old tried and true recipes are often best. So, for you who like a rich and creamy lemon meringue pie, here's a failure-proof magic recipe that's an old favorite. The main ingredient that turns the trick — making a pie filling that cuts perfectly, never runs and is never too thick — is sweetened condensed milk. Don't confuse sweetened condensed milk with evaporated milk. is fluid milk with some of the water removed, but is fluid milk with water removed and added. To make the filling, blend together 1 1/3 cups (15-ounce can) sweetened condensed milk, 1/2 cup lemon juice, grated rind of one lemon or 1/4 teaspoon lemon extract, and yolks of two eggs. Pour into baked pie shell or cookie crumb crust. Cover with meringue made by beating two egg whites with 4 tablespoons granulated sugar. Bake in moderate oven (325), 15 minutes or until brown. Chill before serving. Dickie Orlan A psychologist tells me that helping mother in the kitchen often aids the development of a child's creative sense. Take little 9-year-old Dickie Orlan, for example—one of the tots on "Juvenile Jury" (3:30-4 E.S.T. Sunday on (MBS). His mother tells me he loves to cook breakfast, and — with his mother's help — has tried several ways of preparing scrambled eggs. One of his "creations" sounded so good, I served it to my family, and won a round of hearty applause. We named the dish "Eggs Branette," and here it is: Beat 3 large eggs. Add 1/4 cup of milk and 2 heaping tablespoons of all-bran. Season to taste, and scramble in regular way. Yield; 3 servings. You'll find the allbran cereal gives added bulk and a delicious nut-like flavor. Mother always preached the value of experience in preparing hotbreads or homemade jams and jellies. But today, with modern cooking shortcuts, experience is not necessary to treat your family to these goodies. Take any well-known brand of prepared roll or muffin mix...add some delicious homemade peach jam, and I'll wager your family will fall for flavorful homemade spreads. Thaw a box (1 pound) of quickfrozen sweetened sliced peaches as directed on package. Chop very fine. Place in large saucepan with 2 teaspoons of lemon juice. Measure 1 1/2 cups sugar and set aside. Put saucepan holding fruit over high heat. Add 3 tablespoons of powdered fruit pectin (mix contents of package thoroughly before measuring). Stir until mixture comes to a hard boil and add sugar at once. Bring to a 1 , stirring constantly. Remove from heat, skim, pour quickly into glasses. Parafin at once. Makes about 3 six-ounce glasses. LEMON MERINGUE PIE By NANCY COOK—ANS Features Old tried and true recipes are often best. So, for you who like a rich and creamy lemon meringue pie, here's a failure-proof magic recipe that's an old favorite. The main ingredient that turns the trick — making a pie filling that cuts perfectly, never runs and is never too thick — is sweetened condensed milk. Don't confuse sweetened condensed milk with evaporated milk. is fluid milk with some of the water removed, but is fluid milk with water removed and added. To make the filling, blend together 1 1/3 cups (15-ounce can) sweetened condensed milk, 1/2 cup lemon juice, grated rind of one lemon or 1/4 teaspoon lemon extract, and yolks of two eggs. Pour into baked pie shell or cookie crumb crust. Cover with meringue made by beating two egg whites with 4 tablespoons granulated sugar. Bake in moderate oven (325), 15 minutes or until brown. Chill before serving. Dickie Orlan A psychologist tells me that helping mother in the kitchen often aids the development of a child's creative sense. Take little 9-year-old Dickie Orlan, for example—one of the tots on "Juvenile Jury" (3:30-4 E.S.T. Sunday on (MBS). His mother tells me he loves to cook breakfast, and — with his mother's help — has tried several ways of preparing scrambled eggs. One of his "creations" sounded so good, I served it to my family, and won a round of hearty applause. We named the dish "Eggs Branette," and here it is: Beat 3 large eggs. Add 1/4 cup of milk and 2 heaping tablespoons of all-bran. Season to taste, and scramble in regular way. Yield; 3 servings. You'll find the allbran cereal gives added bulk and a delicious nut-like flavor. Mother always preached the value of experience in preparing hotbreads or homemade jams and jellies. But today, with modern cooking shortcuts, experience is not necessary to treat your family to these goodies. Take any well-known brand of prepared roll or muffin mix...add some delicious homemade peach jam, and I'll wager your family will fall for flavorful homemade spreads. Thaw a box (1 pound) of quickfrozen sweetened sliced peaches as directed on package. Chop very fine. Place in large saucepan with 2 teaspoons of lemon juice. Measure 1 1/2 cups sugar and set aside. Put saucepan holding fruit over high heat. Add 3 tablespoons of powdered fruit pectin (mix contents of package thoroughly before measuring). Stir until mixture comes to a hard boil and add sugar at once. Bring to a 1 , stirring constantly. Remove from heat, skim, pour quickly into glasses. Parafin at once. Makes about 3 six-ounce glasses. EGGS BRANETTE By NANCY COOK—ANS Features Old tried and true recipes are often best. So, for you who like a rich and creamy lemon meringue pie, here's a failure-proof magic recipe that's an old favorite. The main ingredient that turns the trick — making a pie filling that cuts perfectly, never runs and is never too thick — is sweetened condensed milk. Don't confuse sweetened condensed milk with evaporated milk. is fluid milk with some of the water removed, but is fluid milk with water removed and added. To make the filling, blend together 1 1/3 cups (15-ounce can) sweetened condensed milk, 1/2 cup lemon juice, grated rind of one lemon or 1/4 teaspoon lemon extract, and yolks of two eggs. Pour into baked pie shell or cookie crumb crust. Cover with meringue made by beating two egg whites with 4 tablespoons granulated sugar. Bake in moderate oven (325), 15 minutes or until brown. Chill before serving. Dickie Orlan A psychologist tells me that helping mother in the kitchen often aids the development of a child's creative sense. Take little 9-year-old Dickie Orlan, for example—one of the tots on "Juvenile Jury" (3:30-4 E.S.T. Sunday on (MBS). His mother tells me he loves to cook breakfast, and — with his mother's help — has tried several ways of preparing scrambled eggs. One of his "creations" sounded so good, I served it to my family, and won a round of hearty applause. We named the dish "Eggs Branette," and here it is: Beat 3 large eggs. Add 1/4 cup of milk and 2 heaping tablespoons of all-bran. Season to taste, and scramble in regular way. Yield; 3 servings. You'll find the allbran cereal gives added bulk and a delicious nut-like flavor. Mother always preached the value of experience in preparing hotbreads or homemade jams and jellies. But today, with modern cooking shortcuts, experience is not necessary to treat your family to these goodies. Take any well-known brand of prepared roll or muffin mix...add some delicious homemade peach jam, and I'll wager your family will fall for flavorful homemade spreads. Thaw a box (1 pound) of quickfrozen sweetened sliced peaches as directed on package. Chop very fine. Place in large saucepan with 2 teaspoons of lemon juice. Measure 1 1/2 cups sugar and set aside. Put saucepan holding fruit over high heat. Add 3 tablespoons of powdered fruit pectin (mix contents of package thoroughly before measuring). Stir until mixture comes to a hard boil and add sugar at once. Bring to a 1 , stirring constantly. Remove from heat, skim, pour quickly into glasses. Parafin at once. Makes about 3 six-ounce glasses. HOMEMADE PEACH JAM By NANCY COOK—ANS Features Old tried and true recipes are often best. So, for you who like a rich and creamy lemon meringue pie, here's a failure-proof magic recipe that's an old favorite. The main ingredient that turns the trick — making a pie filling that cuts perfectly, never runs and is never too thick — is sweetened condensed milk. Don't confuse sweetened condensed milk with evaporated milk. is fluid milk with some of the water removed, but is fluid milk with water removed and added. To make the filling, blend together 1 1/3 cups (15-ounce can) sweetened condensed milk, 1/2 cup lemon juice, grated rind of one lemon or 1/4 teaspoon lemon extract, and yolks of two eggs. Pour into baked pie shell or cookie crumb crust. Cover with meringue made by beating two egg whites with 4 tablespoons granulated sugar. Bake in moderate oven (325), 15 minutes or until brown. Chill before serving. Dickie Orlan A psychologist tells me that helping mother in the kitchen often aids the development of a child's creative sense. Take little 9-year-old Dickie Orlan, for example—one of the tots on "Juvenile Jury" (3:30-4 E.S.T. Sunday on (MBS). His mother tells me he loves to cook breakfast, and — with his mother's help — has tried several ways of preparing scrambled eggs. One of his "creations" sounded so good, I served it to my family, and won a round of hearty applause. We named the dish "Eggs Branette," and here it is: Beat 3 large eggs. Add 1/4 cup of milk and 2 heaping tablespoons of all-bran. Season to taste, and scramble in regular way. Yield; 3 servings. You'll find the allbran cereal gives added bulk and a delicious nut-like flavor. Mother always preached the value of experience in preparing hotbreads or homemade jams and jellies. But today, with modern cooking shortcuts, experience is not necessary to treat your family to these goodies. Take any well-known brand of prepared roll or muffin mix...add some delicious homemade peach jam, and I'll wager your family will fall for flavorful homemade spreads. Thaw a box (1 pound) of quickfrozen sweetened sliced peaches as directed on package. Chop very fine. Place in large saucepan with 2 teaspoons of lemon juice. Measure 1 1/2 cups sugar and set aside. Put saucepan holding fruit over high heat. Add 3 tablespoons of powdered fruit pectin (mix contents of package thoroughly before measuring). Stir until mixture comes to a hard boil and add sugar at once. Bring to a 1 , stirring constantly. Remove from heat, skim, pour quickly into glasses. Parafin at once. Makes about 3 six-ounce glasses. NOTICE, NEWSBOYS At The Announcing.... Again Supports was offered the privilege of applying for admission to a new law school which the State has undertaken to establish. The Justice Department asserts that McLaurin and Sweatt, only because they are colored, have been subjected under the laws of the states in which they live to various educational restrictions not imposed on white students. The Henderson, the McLaurin and the Sweatt cases, the brief states, are "significant because they test the vitality and strength of the democratic ideals to which the United States is dedicated The McLaurin and Sweatt cases do not present "isolated instances of racial discrimination," states the Government brief, but "the asserted discriminations relate to practices systematically engaged in by the States themselves," and come before the Supreme Court "bearing the endorsement of the laws of these states." Their decision, it is asserted, may have "large influence in determineing whether the foundations of our society shall continue to be undermined by the existence and acceptance of racial discriminations having the sanction of law." The Fourteenth Amendment, adopted in 1868, the brief points out, forbids any state to "deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." In an impressive series of decisions, extending over a period of three-quarters of a century, the Supreme Court (with the principal exception of the Plessy case), the brief states, has construed this amendment "liberally so as to carry out its purposes, namely to establish complete equality in the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and to secure those rights against governmental discriminations based on race or color. The brief quotes at length from the opinion in Strauder vs. West Virginia, in which the court defined the scope of the Fourteenth Amendment as applied to distinctions based on race or color. It also cites a series of decisions in which the court continued to give broad effect to the constitutional principle that all men stand equal and alike before the law, and that legal distinctions drawn solely on the basis of race or color are incompatible with the guarantee of equal protection of the laws. Also cited was a line of decisions extending from 1886 through the racial restrictive covenant cases, decided two years ago, in which the court has applied its broad doctrine in a variety of situations. Pointing out that in the field of education the constitutional requirement is that of equality in every sense of the word, the brief asserts that "Nothing in the Fourteenth Amendment, or in the cases decided under it, supports the notion that facilities need be equal in a physical sense." In McLaurin's case, the brief states, the facilities of the University of Oklahoma have been made available to McLaurin "only under conditions in which the spirit of free intellectual inquiry plainly cannot long survive." As the Sweatt, the other briefs filed in his case, the Government asserts, "amply demonstrate that the institution which the State has established for the purpose of providing legal education for its colored residents falls far short of being the equal of the Law School of the University of Texas." It does not answer Sweatt's present claim to say that, at some unspecified time in the future, colored persons as a group will be treated equally, the Government contends in answer to the argument that the State cannot overnight establish a colored law school comparable in all respects to the University of Texas Law School, and that the Constitution is satisfied if the state in good faith undertakes to provide facilities which will eventually be equal. "The Constitution cannot be construed to require Sweatt to postpone or forego his legal education until the State of Texas establishes an "equal" law school for colored students," the Government declares. "If it were so construed, his constitutional right would have neither meaning nor value." Pointing out that it is argued in the brief filed by the Justice Department in the Henderson case that the "separate but equal" doctrine "is wrong as a matter of law, history, policy, the Government in the McLaurin and Sweatt cases again urges the court to repudiate the doctrine as "an unwarranted deviation from the principle of equality under law which the Fourteenth Amendment explicitly incorporated in the fundamental charter of this country." RELATED PRACTICES was offered the privilege of applying for admission to a new law school which the State has undertaken to establish. The Justice Department asserts that McLaurin and Sweatt, only because they are colored, have been subjected under the laws of the states in which they live to various educational restrictions not imposed on white students. The Henderson, the McLaurin and the Sweatt cases, the brief states, are "significant because they test the vitality and strength of the democratic ideals to which the United States is dedicated The McLaurin and Sweatt cases do not present "isolated instances of racial discrimination," states the Government brief, but "the asserted discriminations relate to practices systematically engaged in by the States themselves," and come before the Supreme Court "bearing the endorsement of the laws of these states." Their decision, it is asserted, may have "large influence in determineing whether the foundations of our society shall continue to be undermined by the existence and acceptance of racial discriminations having the sanction of law." The Fourteenth Amendment, adopted in 1868, the brief points out, forbids any state to "deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." In an impressive series of decisions, extending over a period of three-quarters of a century, the Supreme Court (with the principal exception of the Plessy case), the brief states, has construed this amendment "liberally so as to carry out its purposes, namely to establish complete equality in the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and to secure those rights against governmental discriminations based on race or color. The brief quotes at length from the opinion in Strauder vs. West Virginia, in which the court defined the scope of the Fourteenth Amendment as applied to distinctions based on race or color. It also cites a series of decisions in which the court continued to give broad effect to the constitutional principle that all men stand equal and alike before the law, and that legal distinctions drawn solely on the basis of race or color are incompatible with the guarantee of equal protection of the laws. Also cited was a line of decisions extending from 1886 through the racial restrictive covenant cases, decided two years ago, in which the court has applied its broad doctrine in a variety of situations. Pointing out that in the field of education the constitutional requirement is that of equality in every sense of the word, the brief asserts that "Nothing in the Fourteenth Amendment, or in the cases decided under it, supports the notion that facilities need be equal in a physical sense." In McLaurin's case, the brief states, the facilities of the University of Oklahoma have been made available to McLaurin "only under conditions in which the spirit of free intellectual inquiry plainly cannot long survive." As the Sweatt, the other briefs filed in his case, the Government asserts, "amply demonstrate that the institution which the State has established for the purpose of providing legal education for its colored residents falls far short of being the equal of the Law School of the University of Texas." It does not answer Sweatt's present claim to say that, at some unspecified time in the future, colored persons as a group will be treated equally, the Government contends in answer to the argument that the State cannot overnight establish a colored law school comparable in all respects to the University of Texas Law School, and that the Constitution is satisfied if the state in good faith undertakes to provide facilities which will eventually be equal. "The Constitution cannot be construed to require Sweatt to postpone or forego his legal education until the State of Texas establishes an "equal" law school for colored students," the Government declares. "If it were so construed, his constitutional right would have neither meaning nor value." Pointing out that it is argued in the brief filed by the Justice Department in the Henderson case that the "separate but equal" doctrine "is wrong as a matter of law, history, policy, the Government in the McLaurin and Sweatt cases again urges the court to repudiate the doctrine as "an unwarranted deviation from the principle of equality under law which the Fourteenth Amendment explicitly incorporated in the fundamental charter of this country." EQUALITY REQUIRED was offered the privilege of applying for admission to a new law school which the State has undertaken to establish. The Justice Department asserts that McLaurin and Sweatt, only because they are colored, have been subjected under the laws of the states in which they live to various educational restrictions not imposed on white students. The Henderson, the McLaurin and the Sweatt cases, the brief states, are "significant because they test the vitality and strength of the democratic ideals to which the United States is dedicated The McLaurin and Sweatt cases do not present "isolated instances of racial discrimination," states the Government brief, but "the asserted discriminations relate to practices systematically engaged in by the States themselves," and come before the Supreme Court "bearing the endorsement of the laws of these states." Their decision, it is asserted, may have "large influence in determineing whether the foundations of our society shall continue to be undermined by the existence and acceptance of racial discriminations having the sanction of law." The Fourteenth Amendment, adopted in 1868, the brief points out, forbids any state to "deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." In an impressive series of decisions, extending over a period of three-quarters of a century, the Supreme Court (with the principal exception of the Plessy case), the brief states, has construed this amendment "liberally so as to carry out its purposes, namely to establish complete equality in the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and to secure those rights against governmental discriminations based on race or color. The brief quotes at length from the opinion in Strauder vs. West Virginia, in which the court defined the scope of the Fourteenth Amendment as applied to distinctions based on race or color. It also cites a series of decisions in which the court continued to give broad effect to the constitutional principle that all men stand equal and alike before the law, and that legal distinctions drawn solely on the basis of race or color are incompatible with the guarantee of equal protection of the laws. Also cited was a line of decisions extending from 1886 through the racial restrictive covenant cases, decided two years ago, in which the court has applied its broad doctrine in a variety of situations. Pointing out that in the field of education the constitutional requirement is that of equality in every sense of the word, the brief asserts that "Nothing in the Fourteenth Amendment, or in the cases decided under it, supports the notion that facilities need be equal in a physical sense." In McLaurin's case, the brief states, the facilities of the University of Oklahoma have been made available to McLaurin "only under conditions in which the spirit of free intellectual inquiry plainly cannot long survive." As the Sweatt, the other briefs filed in his case, the Government asserts, "amply demonstrate that the institution which the State has established for the purpose of providing legal education for its colored residents falls far short of being the equal of the Law School of the University of Texas." It does not answer Sweatt's present claim to say that, at some unspecified time in the future, colored persons as a group will be treated equally, the Government contends in answer to the argument that the State cannot overnight establish a colored law school comparable in all respects to the University of Texas Law School, and that the Constitution is satisfied if the state in good faith undertakes to provide facilities which will eventually be equal. "The Constitution cannot be construed to require Sweatt to postpone or forego his legal education until the State of Texas establishes an "equal" law school for colored students," the Government declares. "If it were so construed, his constitutional right would have neither meaning nor value." Pointing out that it is argued in the brief filed by the Justice Department in the Henderson case that the "separate but equal" doctrine "is wrong as a matter of law, history, policy, the Government in the McLaurin and Sweatt cases again urges the court to repudiate the doctrine as "an unwarranted deviation from the principle of equality under law which the Fourteenth Amendment explicitly incorporated in the fundamental charter of this country." THE SAD SACK Pamphlets Tell History Of America This week is the 25th annual observance of Negro History Week, first introduced in 1926. This is also the week of Abraham Lincoln's birthday and the supposed birthday of Frederick Douglass. A review, for the occasion, of a century of Negro pamphlets, indicates that not only Negro history is involved, but American history, and therefore, world history. During 1949, The Pamphlet Index listed such pamphlets as: "How A Southerner Licked Intolerance," reprinted from Coronet; "Let My People Go," published by the Urban League: "What Should We Do About Race Segregation?" published by Town Hall. These pamphlets are written not only for scholars. They are written for the whole world to read. The subject is the Negro. The pamphleteers are interracial. They focus on Negro rights specifically and democratic rights in general. Their scope includes critical questions of productivity, politics, international relations. Other listed titles were: "Negro in Our Economy," published by the Southern Regional Council; "The Negro's Stake in the Future of American Industry," published by the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union; "Survey of the Negro Vote in the 1948 Presidential Election," published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; "Nobody Knows......" published by the Committee Against Jim Crow in Military Service and Training. About a hundred years ago pamphlets relating to Negroes had a different focus-slavery. Their scope was as extensive, and they, too, were intended for mass circulation. A pro-slavery pamphlet, "The Rights of American Slavery," by T. W. Holt of the St. Louis Literary and Philosophical Association, went to 500,000 copies in two editions in 1860. Some 30 years earlier, "David Walker's Appeal," an explosive attack against slavery, had gone to three editions, and it was expected by Walker: "that all colored men, women and children, of every nation, language and tongue under heaven will try to procure a copy of this appeal and read it, or get someone to read it to them, for it is designed more particularly for them." Scripture was introduced on both sides, In 1842, the slaveholders issued a pamphlet. "Slavery Defended by Scripture Against the Attacks of the Abolitionists." Anti-slavery views were posed in such pamphlets as "View of the Subject of Slavery contained in the Biblical Repertory for April 1836, in which the Scriptural Argument, It Is Believed, is Very Clearly and Justly Exhibited." Questions of law were raised in 1847 in a pamphlet by Lysander Spooner titled "The Unconstitutionality of Slavery." This was immediately contested in a pamphlet by Wendell Phillips insisting that the Constitution itself was a pro-slavery document. Economics was posed in such pamphlets as "Wages or the Whip, An Essay on the Comparative Costs and Productiveness of Free and Slave Labor," (1833). Important to both the North and the South was the attitude of the European nations. Emissaries and documents crossed the Atlantic. In 1847, there appeared in London a "Tract on American Slavery by the Rev. M. M. Clarke, a Colored Man Now on a visit to England from the United States." In 1852, an Englishman published in London the pamphlet "Slavery the Crime and Curse of America: An Expostulation with the Christians of that Land." Fifty years ago, Negro pamphlets were primarily concerned with the economic betterment of the race. Today, as we reach the second half of the Twentieth Century, the significance of race relations in America has been summed up by President Charles S. Johnson of Fisk university in his pamphlet, "Some Changes in Perspectives and Patterns of Race Relations," published by the American Missionary Association, Nashville, Tennessee, 1949. "The issue of race relations is today an organic part of the international issue of human rights." DIFFERENT FOCUS This week is the 25th annual observance of Negro History Week, first introduced in 1926. This is also the week of Abraham Lincoln's birthday and the supposed birthday of Frederick Douglass. A review, for the occasion, of a century of Negro pamphlets, indicates that not only Negro history is involved, but American history, and therefore, world history. During 1949, The Pamphlet Index listed such pamphlets as: "How A Southerner Licked Intolerance," reprinted from Coronet; "Let My People Go," published by the Urban League: "What Should We Do About Race Segregation?" published by Town Hall. These pamphlets are written not only for scholars. They are written for the whole world to read. The subject is the Negro. The pamphleteers are interracial. They focus on Negro rights specifically and democratic rights in general. Their scope includes critical questions of productivity, politics, international relations. Other listed titles were: "Negro in Our Economy," published by the Southern Regional Council; "The Negro's Stake in the Future of American Industry," published by the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union; "Survey of the Negro Vote in the 1948 Presidential Election," published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; "Nobody Knows......" published by the Committee Against Jim Crow in Military Service and Training. About a hundred years ago pamphlets relating to Negroes had a different focus-slavery. Their scope was as extensive, and they, too, were intended for mass circulation. A pro-slavery pamphlet, "The Rights of American Slavery," by T. W. Holt of the St. Louis Literary and Philosophical Association, went to 500,000 copies in two editions in 1860. Some 30 years earlier, "David Walker's Appeal," an explosive attack against slavery, had gone to three editions, and it was expected by Walker: "that all colored men, women and children, of every nation, language and tongue under heaven will try to procure a copy of this appeal and read it, or get someone to read it to them, for it is designed more particularly for them." Scripture was introduced on both sides, In 1842, the slaveholders issued a pamphlet. "Slavery Defended by Scripture Against the Attacks of the Abolitionists." Anti-slavery views were posed in such pamphlets as "View of the Subject of Slavery contained in the Biblical Repertory for April 1836, in which the Scriptural Argument, It Is Believed, is Very Clearly and Justly Exhibited." Questions of law were raised in 1847 in a pamphlet by Lysander Spooner titled "The Unconstitutionality of Slavery." This was immediately contested in a pamphlet by Wendell Phillips insisting that the Constitution itself was a pro-slavery document. Economics was posed in such pamphlets as "Wages or the Whip, An Essay on the Comparative Costs and Productiveness of Free and Slave Labor," (1833). Important to both the North and the South was the attitude of the European nations. Emissaries and documents crossed the Atlantic. In 1847, there appeared in London a "Tract on American Slavery by the Rev. M. M. Clarke, a Colored Man Now on a visit to England from the United States." In 1852, an Englishman published in London the pamphlet "Slavery the Crime and Curse of America: An Expostulation with the Christians of that Land." Fifty years ago, Negro pamphlets were primarily concerned with the economic betterment of the race. Today, as we reach the second half of the Twentieth Century, the significance of race relations in America has been summed up by President Charles S. Johnson of Fisk university in his pamphlet, "Some Changes in Perspectives and Patterns of Race Relations," published by the American Missionary Association, Nashville, Tennessee, 1949. "The issue of race relations is today an organic part of the international issue of human rights." ECONOMICS POSER This week is the 25th annual observance of Negro History Week, first introduced in 1926. This is also the week of Abraham Lincoln's birthday and the supposed birthday of Frederick Douglass. A review, for the occasion, of a century of Negro pamphlets, indicates that not only Negro history is involved, but American history, and therefore, world history. During 1949, The Pamphlet Index listed such pamphlets as: "How A Southerner Licked Intolerance," reprinted from Coronet; "Let My People Go," published by the Urban League: "What Should We Do About Race Segregation?" published by Town Hall. These pamphlets are written not only for scholars. They are written for the whole world to read. The subject is the Negro. The pamphleteers are interracial. They focus on Negro rights specifically and democratic rights in general. Their scope includes critical questions of productivity, politics, international relations. Other listed titles were: "Negro in Our Economy," published by the Southern Regional Council; "The Negro's Stake in the Future of American Industry," published by the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union; "Survey of the Negro Vote in the 1948 Presidential Election," published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; "Nobody Knows......" published by the Committee Against Jim Crow in Military Service and Training. About a hundred years ago pamphlets relating to Negroes had a different focus-slavery. Their scope was as extensive, and they, too, were intended for mass circulation. A pro-slavery pamphlet, "The Rights of American Slavery," by T. W. Holt of the St. Louis Literary and Philosophical Association, went to 500,000 copies in two editions in 1860. Some 30 years earlier, "David Walker's Appeal," an explosive attack against slavery, had gone to three editions, and it was expected by Walker: "that all colored men, women and children, of every nation, language and tongue under heaven will try to procure a copy of this appeal and read it, or get someone to read it to them, for it is designed more particularly for them." Scripture was introduced on both sides, In 1842, the slaveholders issued a pamphlet. "Slavery Defended by Scripture Against the Attacks of the Abolitionists." Anti-slavery views were posed in such pamphlets as "View of the Subject of Slavery contained in the Biblical Repertory for April 1836, in which the Scriptural Argument, It Is Believed, is Very Clearly and Justly Exhibited." Questions of law were raised in 1847 in a pamphlet by Lysander Spooner titled "The Unconstitutionality of Slavery." This was immediately contested in a pamphlet by Wendell Phillips insisting that the Constitution itself was a pro-slavery document. Economics was posed in such pamphlets as "Wages or the Whip, An Essay on the Comparative Costs and Productiveness of Free and Slave Labor," (1833). Important to both the North and the South was the attitude of the European nations. Emissaries and documents crossed the Atlantic. In 1847, there appeared in London a "Tract on American Slavery by the Rev. M. M. Clarke, a Colored Man Now on a visit to England from the United States." In 1852, an Englishman published in London the pamphlet "Slavery the Crime and Curse of America: An Expostulation with the Christians of that Land." Fifty years ago, Negro pamphlets were primarily concerned with the economic betterment of the race. Today, as we reach the second half of the Twentieth Century, the significance of race relations in America has been summed up by President Charles S. Johnson of Fisk university in his pamphlet, "Some Changes in Perspectives and Patterns of Race Relations," published by the American Missionary Association, Nashville, Tennessee, 1949. "The issue of race relations is today an organic part of the international issue of human rights." Enjoy Old Sunny Brook BRAND the whiskey that's "" 93 PROOF S B "" I enjoy that Sunny Brook smile break out when I serve this Kentucky favorite! And I enjoy coming over to the Sunny Brook side to drink this rich, smooth and cheerful whiskey. KENTUCKY WHISKEY—A BLEND 65% Grain Neutral Spirits Consolidated Distributors—Excusive Distributors—Memphis VETERANS WHIRL AMENDMENT OF THE GI Bill of Rights gave rise to many problems which had not been foreseen in the administration of its education and training provisions and added to its tremendous cost. The changes permitted payment of charges in excess of the $500 rate for a veteran who elected to have such charges paid, with a corresponding reduction in his period of entitlement. This encouraged the election of courses involving extremely high tuition charges. Election of courses of instruction by correspondence, without subsistence was authorized by the amendment. The amendment increased the subsistence allowance rates from $50-$75 to $65-$90. The amendment also removed the requirement that benefits would be deducted from any future bonus, thereby making it more attractive, from a financial standpoint, for veterans to take training. The amendment removed the limitation on education or training beyond one year for individuals whose education or training had not been impaired, delayed, interrupted, in interfered with by reason of entrance into service. The full meaning of this change did not become evident until the fall of 1946, when the number of veterans in training first rose to more than 2,000,000. The effect of the change was to give practically every veteran, who had served for ninety days or more, the right to pursue any elected course for a period equal to his wartime service in addition to the year authorized by the original law, up to a total of forty-eight calendar months. The Congress has amended the law several times since to provide legislative solutions to problems which have arisen. The principal changes were as follows: 1. On August 8, 1946, Congress established statutory limitations on the combined total of income from productive labor plus subsistence. It also established specific standards for applications by state approval agencies in approving courses of non-apprentice training on the Job. Application of these limitations and standards checked the tremendous expansion of training on the job almost immediately. 2. On August 6, 1947, Congress enacted legislation establishing standards for approval of institutional on-farm training and established a statutory definition of a full-time course for this type of training. 3. On June 30, 1948, Congress prohabited the Veterans' Administration from awarding or training benefits to any veteran who wished to take a source after July 1, 1948, which was found by the Administrator to be a vocational or recreational in character. It enacted as positive law the regulations of the Veterans' Administration defining "customary cost of tuition." Philippines seen U. S. "show window" for democracy. LIMITATIONS REMOVED AMENDMENT OF THE GI Bill of Rights gave rise to many problems which had not been foreseen in the administration of its education and training provisions and added to its tremendous cost. The changes permitted payment of charges in excess of the $500 rate for a veteran who elected to have such charges paid, with a corresponding reduction in his period of entitlement. This encouraged the election of courses involving extremely high tuition charges. Election of courses of instruction by correspondence, without subsistence was authorized by the amendment. The amendment increased the subsistence allowance rates from $50-$75 to $65-$90. The amendment also removed the requirement that benefits would be deducted from any future bonus, thereby making it more attractive, from a financial standpoint, for veterans to take training. The amendment removed the limitation on education or training beyond one year for individuals whose education or training had not been impaired, delayed, interrupted, in interfered with by reason of entrance into service. The full meaning of this change did not become evident until the fall of 1946, when the number of veterans in training first rose to more than 2,000,000. The effect of the change was to give practically every veteran, who had served for ninety days or more, the right to pursue any elected course for a period equal to his wartime service in addition to the year authorized by the original law, up to a total of forty-eight calendar months. The Congress has amended the law several times since to provide legislative solutions to problems which have arisen. The principal changes were as follows: 1. On August 8, 1946, Congress established statutory limitations on the combined total of income from productive labor plus subsistence. It also established specific standards for applications by state approval agencies in approving courses of non-apprentice training on the Job. Application of these limitations and standards checked the tremendous expansion of training on the job almost immediately. 2. On August 6, 1947, Congress enacted legislation establishing standards for approval of institutional on-farm training and established a statutory definition of a full-time course for this type of training. 3. On June 30, 1948, Congress prohabited the Veterans' Administration from awarding or training benefits to any veteran who wished to take a source after July 1, 1948, which was found by the Administrator to be a vocational or recreational in character. It enacted as positive law the regulations of the Veterans' Administration defining "customary cost of tuition." Philippines seen U. S. "show window" for democracy. CHECK EXPANSION AMENDMENT OF THE GI Bill of Rights gave rise to many problems which had not been foreseen in the administration of its education and training provisions and added to its tremendous cost. The changes permitted payment of charges in excess of the $500 rate for a veteran who elected to have such charges paid, with a corresponding reduction in his period of entitlement. This encouraged the election of courses involving extremely high tuition charges. Election of courses of instruction by correspondence, without subsistence was authorized by the amendment. The amendment increased the subsistence allowance rates from $50-$75 to $65-$90. The amendment also removed the requirement that benefits would be deducted from any future bonus, thereby making it more attractive, from a financial standpoint, for veterans to take training. The amendment removed the limitation on education or training beyond one year for individuals whose education or training had not been impaired, delayed, interrupted, in interfered with by reason of entrance into service. The full meaning of this change did not become evident until the fall of 1946, when the number of veterans in training first rose to more than 2,000,000. The effect of the change was to give practically every veteran, who had served for ninety days or more, the right to pursue any elected course for a period equal to his wartime service in addition to the year authorized by the original law, up to a total of forty-eight calendar months. The Congress has amended the law several times since to provide legislative solutions to problems which have arisen. The principal changes were as follows: 1. On August 8, 1946, Congress established statutory limitations on the combined total of income from productive labor plus subsistence. It also established specific standards for applications by state approval agencies in approving courses of non-apprentice training on the Job. Application of these limitations and standards checked the tremendous expansion of training on the job almost immediately. 2. On August 6, 1947, Congress enacted legislation establishing standards for approval of institutional on-farm training and established a statutory definition of a full-time course for this type of training. 3. On June 30, 1948, Congress prohabited the Veterans' Administration from awarding or training benefits to any veteran who wished to take a source after July 1, 1948, which was found by the Administrator to be a vocational or recreational in character. It enacted as positive law the regulations of the Veterans' Administration defining "customary cost of tuition." Philippines seen U. S. "show window" for democracy.