Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1966-03-19 J. A. Beauchamp ONE SOLUTION — The cab belongs to Early Mundy, who operates Yellow Cabs of Charleston, W. Va., right in the heart of economically depressed Appalachia. Levison Starts Drive To Draft Rep. Callaway For Governor Petitions to nominate Rep, Howard Callaway as the Republican nominee for governor in 1966 are being printed and will be distributed at county conventions on March 19th A spokesman for the group having the petition printed says that the Georgia Republicans state executive committee has been advised and authorized the distribution of the petitions at the county conventions. He went on to comment that the executive committee made it crystal clear that this does not close out any other potential candidate but merely sets up a mechanism whereby the petitions may be distributed at county conventions. The same spokesman commented that Rep. Callaway has been advised of the move and has told the group that he reserves the right not to commit himself to make the race regardless of the outcome of the petition circulation. Under the law, five per cent of the state's electorate must sign a petition for a candidate to qualify by petition. This it is estimated, means that there must be 75.000 to 80,000 signatures. "The big money interests are backing the Democratic candidates and if we are to win we must have thousands of small contributors to give us the funds needed to wage a winning campaign," he declared. In doing this, the spokesman added, we hope to raise a sizeable amount of money from the average citizens of Georgia so that we can combat the big money interests who are already committed to the Democrats. During his Lincoln - Day address in Atlanta last month, former Vice high words of praise for Republican Rep. Callaway. He said he believed Rep. Calloway would have "a good chance" of winning the governor's race in Georgia this year. He said if Callaway runs for governor it also would "greatly improve the chance of getting more Republicans elected to the legislature, as well as the possibility of winning four or five congressional races in the state instead of one or two. Nixon declared that Callaway is "the only congressman from Georgia they pay attention to" in Washington, and that "he's going, to go up if you want to send him there." Republican State Chairman G. Paul Jones Jr., in commenting on the executive committee's authorization to circulate the petitions at county conventions explained that the committee was "certainly not trying to shut the door in the face of any other potential candidate but merely giving this group the vehicle to circulate their petitions among interested Republicans in case Mr. Callaway decides he will run for governor." Callaway, who visited Atlanta recently, commented that he is giving serious consideration to the race because so many people have urged him to run. TO SEEK FIVE PER CENT OF VOTERS Petitions to nominate Rep, Howard Callaway as the Republican nominee for governor in 1966 are being printed and will be distributed at county conventions on March 19th A spokesman for the group having the petition printed says that the Georgia Republicans state executive committee has been advised and authorized the distribution of the petitions at the county conventions. He went on to comment that the executive committee made it crystal clear that this does not close out any other potential candidate but merely sets up a mechanism whereby the petitions may be distributed at county conventions. The same spokesman commented that Rep. Callaway has been advised of the move and has told the group that he reserves the right not to commit himself to make the race regardless of the outcome of the petition circulation. Under the law, five per cent of the state's electorate must sign a petition for a candidate to qualify by petition. This it is estimated, means that there must be 75.000 to 80,000 signatures. "The big money interests are backing the Democratic candidates and if we are to win we must have thousands of small contributors to give us the funds needed to wage a winning campaign," he declared. In doing this, the spokesman added, we hope to raise a sizeable amount of money from the average citizens of Georgia so that we can combat the big money interests who are already committed to the Democrats. During his Lincoln - Day address in Atlanta last month, former Vice high words of praise for Republican Rep. Callaway. He said he believed Rep. Calloway would have "a good chance" of winning the governor's race in Georgia this year. He said if Callaway runs for governor it also would "greatly improve the chance of getting more Republicans elected to the legislature, as well as the possibility of winning four or five congressional races in the state instead of one or two. Nixon declared that Callaway is "the only congressman from Georgia they pay attention to" in Washington, and that "he's going, to go up if you want to send him there." Republican State Chairman G. Paul Jones Jr., in commenting on the executive committee's authorization to circulate the petitions at county conventions explained that the committee was "certainly not trying to shut the door in the face of any other potential candidate but merely giving this group the vehicle to circulate their petitions among interested Republicans in case Mr. Callaway decides he will run for governor." Callaway, who visited Atlanta recently, commented that he is giving serious consideration to the race because so many people have urged him to run. PRAISED BY NIXON Petitions to nominate Rep, Howard Callaway as the Republican nominee for governor in 1966 are being printed and will be distributed at county conventions on March 19th A spokesman for the group having the petition printed says that the Georgia Republicans state executive committee has been advised and authorized the distribution of the petitions at the county conventions. He went on to comment that the executive committee made it crystal clear that this does not close out any other potential candidate but merely sets up a mechanism whereby the petitions may be distributed at county conventions. The same spokesman commented that Rep. Callaway has been advised of the move and has told the group that he reserves the right not to commit himself to make the race regardless of the outcome of the petition circulation. Under the law, five per cent of the state's electorate must sign a petition for a candidate to qualify by petition. This it is estimated, means that there must be 75.000 to 80,000 signatures. "The big money interests are backing the Democratic candidates and if we are to win we must have thousands of small contributors to give us the funds needed to wage a winning campaign," he declared. In doing this, the spokesman added, we hope to raise a sizeable amount of money from the average citizens of Georgia so that we can combat the big money interests who are already committed to the Democrats. During his Lincoln - Day address in Atlanta last month, former Vice high words of praise for Republican Rep. Callaway. He said he believed Rep. Calloway would have "a good chance" of winning the governor's race in Georgia this year. He said if Callaway runs for governor it also would "greatly improve the chance of getting more Republicans elected to the legislature, as well as the possibility of winning four or five congressional races in the state instead of one or two. Nixon declared that Callaway is "the only congressman from Georgia they pay attention to" in Washington, and that "he's going, to go up if you want to send him there." Republican State Chairman G. Paul Jones Jr., in commenting on the executive committee's authorization to circulate the petitions at county conventions explained that the committee was "certainly not trying to shut the door in the face of any other potential candidate but merely giving this group the vehicle to circulate their petitions among interested Republicans in case Mr. Callaway decides he will run for governor." Callaway, who visited Atlanta recently, commented that he is giving serious consideration to the race because so many people have urged him to run. Georgia Water Board To Visit Paper Mill Site Following a special meeting Thursday of the Georgia Water Qualify. Control Board R. S. Howard Jr. executive secretary of the Board announced that Board members would make an on-the-spot inspection of a proposed paper mill site in Liberty County before rendering their opinion of the pollution potential the mill would pose This action results from the informal hearing conducted by the Board Thursday to review plans for waste treatment facilities submitted by engineers for the proposed linerboard plant. It is the first case of this kind examined under the Water Quality Control Act, adopted in 1964. Officials of the TJK Corp., a subsidiary of Interstate Container Corp., and their consulting engineers, Rust Engineering Co., outlined as $1,000,000 pollution control plan prepared for the $21,000,000. plant. It is estimated that treated wastes of 10,000,000 gallons daily will be discharged into Riceboro Creek and the Sapelo Sound estuary on the lower Georgia coast Howard Epstein president at TJK adviced the board that his firm wished to aply not only with the letter of Georgia's clean water law but with the spirit as well from appeal by TJK ty was disapproved by the state's Division for Georgia Water Quality Control Howard acknowledged the good design of the plant but stated that other overriding factors prohibited state sanction of the Riceboro Creek plant "Waste treatment does not eliminate pollution, and the introduction of treated wastes into the dead-end of this esuary will build up residual wastes in a stream unable to dilute them, "he said. "Organic and inorganic wastes — many of which are toxic to larval shrimp and oysters — will seriously damage shellfish in the area. And the permanent increase in the color of the water will reduce the desirability of the water for recreational uses." Howard Zeller of the State Game and Fish Commission, appearing before the Board, stated that construction of the Liberty Country plant would wreck plans for expansion of oyster beds along this last unpolluted stretch of Georgia's coast. Rep. Charles Jones of Liberty and McInt sh Counties led spokesmen from the country board of cimmissioners and the Liberty County Industrial Authority in seeking approval from the Board. WIGLET HAIR STYLES $730 "MISTY" —$8.50 thicker Wig—-$12.30 $720 "LE-PETITE"—$8.50 Mackay Asks Grants For 'Rapid Transit' Congressman Games A. Mackay Monday asked Congress to authorize federal grants for rapid transit planning. The ly money available now for this, he said is from a revolving ban fund that is own on cash high on demand. The Atlanta area, like other large metropolitan areas, is faced with a delay in building a desperately needed rapid transit system unless planning fund come quickly, Representative Mackay said. The Metropolitan Atlanta Rapid Transit Authority has applied for a $1.1 million loan from the revolving loan fund to put. Its huge project into shape for approval by the voters and financing for actual construction. The Authority hopes to be ready to ask voter approval by November; 1967, he said. The bill introduced Monday by the Fourth District's Congressman would authorize grants of up to two-thirds of cost under the Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1964 for planning and engineering work on rapid transit projects such as Atlanta's. This will give us a much Broader base from which to draw a planning fund Representative Mackay said total funds authorized under the act which Representative Mackay amend are $100 million for fiscal 1966 and $150 million for fiscal 1967. These funds are now used for construction of rapid transit systems — but, under Representative Mackay's proposal, they could also be used for planning. The same proposal was introduced Monday in the United States Senate by Senators Warren Magnuson and Henry Jackson, both of Washington State, and in the House by. Congressmen Charles Weltner of Atlanta and Brock Adams of Washington State. Urban League Announces New Staff Member Audley E. Coulthurst, one of the few Negro certified public accountants registered in New York City, has been appointed to the staff of the National Urban League as chief accountent. The announcement was made today at the NUL headquarters here by Whitney M. Young Jr., executive director. Coulthurss, a 41-year-old graduate of the city College of New York's School of Business Administration is in charge of handling virtually all the Leagues fiscal matters. Prior to joining the NUL staff, ha was associated With Lucas, Tucker and Walcott, New York's only Negro certified public accounting firm, for 16 years. Born in Hardlenm Coulthurst is a World War II veteran, having served with the first Negro bombardment group as a radio operator. He is a member of the New York State Society of Certified Public Accountants and the American Institute of certified Public Accountants. He and his wife, the former Matilda M. Glasgow, live in Jamaica, N. Y. with their son. Clean Fuzzy Eyes Bathe eyes with LAVOPTIK, the Medicinal Eye Wash. Floats away dust, dirt, other irritants. Makes eyes feel clear, look sparkling bright. Insist on genuine LAVOPTIK Eye Wash with eye cup included, at your druggist, Satisfaction or your money back. Conferees Disagree Over Compensation For Prior Job Opportunity Disadvantage Federal and state officials concerned with enforcement of discrimination statutes met with an invited group of employers, union leaders, and other representatives of the public in a "White House Conference on Equal Employment Opportunity," (August 1965). Following excerpts from the proceedings are from the Department of Labor's Monthly Labor Review of November, 1965 and presented on request. WASHINGTON, D.C. — In the White House Conference on Equal Employment Opportunity held in Washington in August, 1965, there was general consensus on a growing awareness throughout the country that: "...society has not discharged its obligations when it passes a law which opens the gates of opportunity, while still requiring some to carry on their backs the burden of inherited poverty and prejudice." But there was disagreement on whether the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission could, or should, insist on going beyond "fatand nondiscriminatory" employment practices, and whether the concept of equality would be warped by attempts to compensate for prior disadvantage. Some conferees opposed the imposition of any form of relief that would in turn be unfair to a majority-group applicant or employee, who is not directly responsible for the past discrimination. A particularly thony question arises in connection with seniority systems and recall from layoff. "After much discussion;" it was determined in one workshop thatwhether one views the intent of the law and its administration as directed toward equality in employment opportunity, or toward the placement of Negroes in jobsthe question is: ".. not whether we are meeting the letter of the law, but whether we are meeting the spirit of the law in going an extra step to provide sufficient means to enable Negroes to obtain jobs on a basis equal with whites." The clash of opinion appeared to be primarily between advocates of "colorblindness" and those who believe that equality of employment opportunity can best be achieved by being conscious of col or, by making the parties concerned aware of deficiencies in past and current performance. Another thread running through the discussions was that not enough attetnion is being paid to the pro blems of minority groups other than Negroes' (specifically, American Indians and Mexican Americans) who, because of lesser numbers, geographic concentration, or other reasons have been less successful in advancing their interests. Recurring throughout the work shop discussions were three major problems which have already rise in connection with the administration of Title VII of the civil Right; Act of 1964. They pertained to choosing the tools and technique for recognizing and combating discrimination in employment; protecting complainants or informants from reprisal, either on the jo or in the community; and deter mining the extent to which Government agencies may reach to overcome the effects of past discrimination. The following summary taken from reports from the workshops the variety of problems facing the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission Not all the subjects discussed in the workshops are included here. Title VII provides three principal means of attacking "patterns and practices" of discrimination legal action by the Department of Justice, conciliation by the EEOC, and contract review by the President's Committee on Government Contracts, Participants agreed that these agencies "have apparent authority beyond the complaint-centered approach to reach broader problems of discrimination." The importance of coordination among all agencies concerned Federal, State, and local-was stressed in all the workshop sessions. Among the methods suggested were maintenance of a national register of complaints; standardization of complaint and report forms; advice to the EEOC by the U. S. Employment Service on discriminatory requests received by its local offices; and sharing of information in case files. Several conferees stressed the need for close liaison between State agencies and the Commission, including discussion of cases before the State decision is rendered; and for adequate and timely advice to a complainant on his rights under the act, by whichever agency he first contacts, so as to protect his right to litigate under the Federal statute. One proposal was that when conciliation efforts fail the fact should be made public. Other suggestions included a proposal that investigative reports and the testimony of investigators should be made available to a complainant filing suit (to the extent permitted by the confidentiality provisions of the act), and verified cases of discrimination should immediately be referred to the Attorney General's office for suit under section 707. Proponents argued that knowledge that publicity and possible court action impended has sometimes proved an effective lever toward conciliation. Section 709 (c) of the act authorizes the Commission to require the making, keeping, and preserveing of such records, and the filing of such reports, as are "reasonable, necessary, and appropriate" to the enforcement of Title VII. The Commission had as yet taken no formal action with respect to these requirements. But it proposed that its record keeping and reporting powers be exercised "only where there is believed to be a reasonable opportunity to serve one or more of (its) three major functions" of investigation of complaints, referral to the Department of Justice of casts involving patterns or practices of discrimination, and encouragement of voluntary programs of affirmative action. The Commission's staff also proposed to require reports only from employers, showing the employer's work force in various job categories by race and sex. More detailed reports would be required on participation in apprenticeship and training programs. These proposals received general approval with participants emphasizing the need to' avoid repetitive reports and frequent revisions in forms and procedures. The Commission's tentative proposals for recordkeeping were more controversial. The commission had suggested that employers maintain a record (made subsequent to the hiring), indicating the race, sex and source of referral of each employee this record to be kept where it would not be available to those responsible for personnel decision;" that employment agencies maintain a separate file in which the race and sex of applicants are identified by number; and that unions maintaining hiring halls keep separate data on the race of persons on their regular referral list. Some discussants contended that keeping of such records would only make it easier to discriminate, if an employer or agency were disposed to do so, and pointed out that it Is unrealistic to assume such information could be kept from the personnel decisionmakers. There was sharp criticism from some conferees of the suggestion that the Federal Government "require and thus sanction" the practice of recording the race of an applicant or employee. Many of the organizations represented at the Conference noted that they have long fought for the removal of such racial designations from employment, school, and other records. To the conferees, it quickly became "apparent that the letter of the law could be obeyed to the fullest extent without eliminating discrimniation in hiring and promo tion." Job specifications, tests, recruitment procedures, training programs, qualification requirementsall can be used either to find persons capable of doing" the work, or to discriminate in favor of or against any given group or individual. In the final analysis, intent determines use; if the employers and the unions are interested, in fulfilling the spirit of the law, they will adapt (these personnel tools) to the purpose of facilitating equal employment opportunities. "Distrust of the ability of existing Federal and State agencies to protect the complainant" was expressed at the Conference. Although Title VII offers some protection, ultimate responsibility for personal safety rests with local police authorities, it was pointed out Some measure of protection may Be afforded by maintaining the confidentiality of complaints and investigations. Overt reprisal may come within the scope of Title VII; more subtle means of reprisal, on the Job or in the community, are difficult the pinpoint and in the long run, it was argued, can best be combated by a program of "affirmative action" to change the climate in the community. ADMINISTRATION Federal and state officials concerned with enforcement of discrimination statutes met with an invited group of employers, union leaders, and other representatives of the public in a "White House Conference on Equal Employment Opportunity," (August 1965). Following excerpts from the proceedings are from the Department of Labor's Monthly Labor Review of November, 1965 and presented on request. WASHINGTON, D.C. — In the White House Conference on Equal Employment Opportunity held in Washington in August, 1965, there was general consensus on a growing awareness throughout the country that: "...society has not discharged its obligations when it passes a law which opens the gates of opportunity, while still requiring some to carry on their backs the burden of inherited poverty and prejudice." But there was disagreement on whether the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission could, or should, insist on going beyond "fatand nondiscriminatory" employment practices, and whether the concept of equality would be warped by attempts to compensate for prior disadvantage. Some conferees opposed the imposition of any form of relief that would in turn be unfair to a majority-group applicant or employee, who is not directly responsible for the past discrimination. A particularly thony question arises in connection with seniority systems and recall from layoff. "After much discussion;" it was determined in one workshop thatwhether one views the intent of the law and its administration as directed toward equality in employment opportunity, or toward the placement of Negroes in jobsthe question is: ".. not whether we are meeting the letter of the law, but whether we are meeting the spirit of the law in going an extra step to provide sufficient means to enable Negroes to obtain jobs on a basis equal with whites." The clash of opinion appeared to be primarily between advocates of "colorblindness" and those who believe that equality of employment opportunity can best be achieved by being conscious of col or, by making the parties concerned aware of deficiencies in past and current performance. Another thread running through the discussions was that not enough attetnion is being paid to the pro blems of minority groups other than Negroes' (specifically, American Indians and Mexican Americans) who, because of lesser numbers, geographic concentration, or other reasons have been less successful in advancing their interests. Recurring throughout the work shop discussions were three major problems which have already rise in connection with the administration of Title VII of the civil Right; Act of 1964. They pertained to choosing the tools and technique for recognizing and combating discrimination in employment; protecting complainants or informants from reprisal, either on the jo or in the community; and deter mining the extent to which Government agencies may reach to overcome the effects of past discrimination. The following summary taken from reports from the workshops the variety of problems facing the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission Not all the subjects discussed in the workshops are included here. Title VII provides three principal means of attacking "patterns and practices" of discrimination legal action by the Department of Justice, conciliation by the EEOC, and contract review by the President's Committee on Government Contracts, Participants agreed that these agencies "have apparent authority beyond the complaint-centered approach to reach broader problems of discrimination." The importance of coordination among all agencies concerned Federal, State, and local-was stressed in all the workshop sessions. Among the methods suggested were maintenance of a national register of complaints; standardization of complaint and report forms; advice to the EEOC by the U. S. Employment Service on discriminatory requests received by its local offices; and sharing of information in case files. Several conferees stressed the need for close liaison between State agencies and the Commission, including discussion of cases before the State decision is rendered; and for adequate and timely advice to a complainant on his rights under the act, by whichever agency he first contacts, so as to protect his right to litigate under the Federal statute. One proposal was that when conciliation efforts fail the fact should be made public. Other suggestions included a proposal that investigative reports and the testimony of investigators should be made available to a complainant filing suit (to the extent permitted by the confidentiality provisions of the act), and verified cases of discrimination should immediately be referred to the Attorney General's office for suit under section 707. Proponents argued that knowledge that publicity and possible court action impended has sometimes proved an effective lever toward conciliation. Section 709 (c) of the act authorizes the Commission to require the making, keeping, and preserveing of such records, and the filing of such reports, as are "reasonable, necessary, and appropriate" to the enforcement of Title VII. The Commission had as yet taken no formal action with respect to these requirements. But it proposed that its record keeping and reporting powers be exercised "only where there is believed to be a reasonable opportunity to serve one or more of (its) three major functions" of investigation of complaints, referral to the Department of Justice of casts involving patterns or practices of discrimination, and encouragement of voluntary programs of affirmative action. The Commission's staff also proposed to require reports only from employers, showing the employer's work force in various job categories by race and sex. More detailed reports would be required on participation in apprenticeship and training programs. These proposals received general approval with participants emphasizing the need to' avoid repetitive reports and frequent revisions in forms and procedures. The Commission's tentative proposals for recordkeeping were more controversial. The commission had suggested that employers maintain a record (made subsequent to the hiring), indicating the race, sex and source of referral of each employee this record to be kept where it would not be available to those responsible for personnel decision;" that employment agencies maintain a separate file in which the race and sex of applicants are identified by number; and that unions maintaining hiring halls keep separate data on the race of persons on their regular referral list. Some discussants contended that keeping of such records would only make it easier to discriminate, if an employer or agency were disposed to do so, and pointed out that it Is unrealistic to assume such information could be kept from the personnel decisionmakers. There was sharp criticism from some conferees of the suggestion that the Federal Government "require and thus sanction" the practice of recording the race of an applicant or employee. Many of the organizations represented at the Conference noted that they have long fought for the removal of such racial designations from employment, school, and other records. To the conferees, it quickly became "apparent that the letter of the law could be obeyed to the fullest extent without eliminating discrimniation in hiring and promo tion." Job specifications, tests, recruitment procedures, training programs, qualification requirementsall can be used either to find persons capable of doing" the work, or to discriminate in favor of or against any given group or individual. In the final analysis, intent determines use; if the employers and the unions are interested, in fulfilling the spirit of the law, they will adapt (these personnel tools) to the purpose of facilitating equal employment opportunities. "Distrust of the ability of existing Federal and State agencies to protect the complainant" was expressed at the Conference. Although Title VII offers some protection, ultimate responsibility for personal safety rests with local police authorities, it was pointed out Some measure of protection may Be afforded by maintaining the confidentiality of complaints and investigations. Overt reprisal may come within the scope of Title VII; more subtle means of reprisal, on the Job or in the community, are difficult the pinpoint and in the long run, it was argued, can best be combated by a program of "affirmative action" to change the climate in the community. PROTECTION OF COMPLAINANTS Federal and state officials concerned with enforcement of discrimination statutes met with an invited group of employers, union leaders, and other representatives of the public in a "White House Conference on Equal Employment Opportunity," (August 1965). Following excerpts from the proceedings are from the Department of Labor's Monthly Labor Review of November, 1965 and presented on request. WASHINGTON, D.C. — In the White House Conference on Equal Employment Opportunity held in Washington in August, 1965, there was general consensus on a growing awareness throughout the country that: "...society has not discharged its obligations when it passes a law which opens the gates of opportunity, while still requiring some to carry on their backs the burden of inherited poverty and prejudice." But there was disagreement on whether the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission could, or should, insist on going beyond "fatand nondiscriminatory" employment practices, and whether the concept of equality would be warped by attempts to compensate for prior disadvantage. Some conferees opposed the imposition of any form of relief that would in turn be unfair to a majority-group applicant or employee, who is not directly responsible for the past discrimination. A particularly thony question arises in connection with seniority systems and recall from layoff. "After much discussion;" it was determined in one workshop thatwhether one views the intent of the law and its administration as directed toward equality in employment opportunity, or toward the placement of Negroes in jobsthe question is: ".. not whether we are meeting the letter of the law, but whether we are meeting the spirit of the law in going an extra step to provide sufficient means to enable Negroes to obtain jobs on a basis equal with whites." The clash of opinion appeared to be primarily between advocates of "colorblindness" and those who believe that equality of employment opportunity can best be achieved by being conscious of col or, by making the parties concerned aware of deficiencies in past and current performance. Another thread running through the discussions was that not enough attetnion is being paid to the pro blems of minority groups other than Negroes' (specifically, American Indians and Mexican Americans) who, because of lesser numbers, geographic concentration, or other reasons have been less successful in advancing their interests. Recurring throughout the work shop discussions were three major problems which have already rise in connection with the administration of Title VII of the civil Right; Act of 1964. They pertained to choosing the tools and technique for recognizing and combating discrimination in employment; protecting complainants or informants from reprisal, either on the jo or in the community; and deter mining the extent to which Government agencies may reach to overcome the effects of past discrimination. The following summary taken from reports from the workshops the variety of problems facing the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission Not all the subjects discussed in the workshops are included here. Title VII provides three principal means of attacking "patterns and practices" of discrimination legal action by the Department of Justice, conciliation by the EEOC, and contract review by the President's Committee on Government Contracts, Participants agreed that these agencies "have apparent authority beyond the complaint-centered approach to reach broader problems of discrimination." The importance of coordination among all agencies concerned Federal, State, and local-was stressed in all the workshop sessions. Among the methods suggested were maintenance of a national register of complaints; standardization of complaint and report forms; advice to the EEOC by the U. S. Employment Service on discriminatory requests received by its local offices; and sharing of information in case files. Several conferees stressed the need for close liaison between State agencies and the Commission, including discussion of cases before the State decision is rendered; and for adequate and timely advice to a complainant on his rights under the act, by whichever agency he first contacts, so as to protect his right to litigate under the Federal statute. One proposal was that when conciliation efforts fail the fact should be made public. Other suggestions included a proposal that investigative reports and the testimony of investigators should be made available to a complainant filing suit (to the extent permitted by the confidentiality provisions of the act), and verified cases of discrimination should immediately be referred to the Attorney General's office for suit under section 707. Proponents argued that knowledge that publicity and possible court action impended has sometimes proved an effective lever toward conciliation. Section 709 (c) of the act authorizes the Commission to require the making, keeping, and preserveing of such records, and the filing of such reports, as are "reasonable, necessary, and appropriate" to the enforcement of Title VII. The Commission had as yet taken no formal action with respect to these requirements. But it proposed that its record keeping and reporting powers be exercised "only where there is believed to be a reasonable opportunity to serve one or more of (its) three major functions" of investigation of complaints, referral to the Department of Justice of casts involving patterns or practices of discrimination, and encouragement of voluntary programs of affirmative action. The Commission's staff also proposed to require reports only from employers, showing the employer's work force in various job categories by race and sex. More detailed reports would be required on participation in apprenticeship and training programs. These proposals received general approval with participants emphasizing the need to' avoid repetitive reports and frequent revisions in forms and procedures. The Commission's tentative proposals for recordkeeping were more controversial. The commission had suggested that employers maintain a record (made subsequent to the hiring), indicating the race, sex and source of referral of each employee this record to be kept where it would not be available to those responsible for personnel decision;" that employment agencies maintain a separate file in which the race and sex of applicants are identified by number; and that unions maintaining hiring halls keep separate data on the race of persons on their regular referral list. Some discussants contended that keeping of such records would only make it easier to discriminate, if an employer or agency were disposed to do so, and pointed out that it Is unrealistic to assume such information could be kept from the personnel decisionmakers. There was sharp criticism from some conferees of the suggestion that the Federal Government "require and thus sanction" the practice of recording the race of an applicant or employee. Many of the organizations represented at the Conference noted that they have long fought for the removal of such racial designations from employment, school, and other records. To the conferees, it quickly became "apparent that the letter of the law could be obeyed to the fullest extent without eliminating discrimniation in hiring and promo tion." Job specifications, tests, recruitment procedures, training programs, qualification requirementsall can be used either to find persons capable of doing" the work, or to discriminate in favor of or against any given group or individual. In the final analysis, intent determines use; if the employers and the unions are interested, in fulfilling the spirit of the law, they will adapt (these personnel tools) to the purpose of facilitating equal employment opportunities. "Distrust of the ability of existing Federal and State agencies to protect the complainant" was expressed at the Conference. Although Title VII offers some protection, ultimate responsibility for personal safety rests with local police authorities, it was pointed out Some measure of protection may Be afforded by maintaining the confidentiality of complaints and investigations. Overt reprisal may come within the scope of Title VII; more subtle means of reprisal, on the Job or in the community, are difficult the pinpoint and in the long run, it was argued, can best be combated by a program of "affirmative action" to change the climate in the community. Tan Topics CONTINENTAL FEATURES "SATURDAY" IN VIET NAM— Pfc. Lee A. Bilbrey of Pleasant Hills, Tenn., makes use of a big jar for a bath In South Viet Nam. Pouring from a helmet is Spec. 4 Mack A. Hassler of Crab Orchard, Tenn. Sunday School Lesson (Romas 12; 9-10) The chapters we are studying today contain the essence of a Godlike life. God's ordinances for the nobler part of man's nature are condensed therein. These exhortations embrace the most common of the sins of mankind — deceit and lying, indifference to one's neighbors, anger (a distructful emotion at best, when not directed to the righting of wrongs) stealing, greed bitterness and goals All these are temptations to sin that besets man daily in his earthly life. We may be blessed with the many life a dry roof over our heads, a warm home to shelter us from the bitter winds of winter, food aplenty on our table; but will a few inspiring words to those who stand without the realm of our home and family, lacking these elements of good fortune, lessen their agonies? How much more practical will proffered food and shelter be to the less fortunate one; and how much more beneficial will it be to the giver! Not, however, if it is given in the wrong spirit, merely to make the donor feel good. Genuine Christian concern for one's fellow men can bring inner peace to man's soul — something that no amount of money can buy. For then he is living a Godlike life, and God is pleased. Good words that are not backed by good works are not necessarily proof of Christnty. And while we may be angered by injustices (as we have a right to be) such anger is beneficial to our, social structure if we do something about it, and see that wrongs are righted. Personal wrongs, however generating personal anger, are another thing altogether. Personal anger, directed at any person or persons, does more harm to the individual beset with that emotion than the recipients of it. For out of anger comes hate one of the most soul-destroying emotions known to mankind. Better to meet such setbacks with adult self-control and reason, than to become a slave to bitterness. And how much pain is caused by gossip! It is human to wish to be the center of attention. But we should ask ourselves we really want to be the center attention of the gossipmongers. If we affiliate ourselevs with such people, we detract from ourselves as persons, and as Christians. When tempted to indulge in gossip we should stop and ask ourselves how we would feel if we were in the subject's shoes. Thievery of worldly goods is frowned upon, both legally and morally. There are, however, intangible, things that are of much more value than mere object which can be thieved, and these can be stolen by gossip, lies or decent. Too often we hear the excuse proffered that it was a "white lie" framed in order to avoid hurting another's feelings. There is really no such thing as a "white lie." Too often this is only an excuse for moral cowardice! This is not to say, however, that bluntness is the only other choice. The subject, too after can be deflected if it is felt it could bring pain, without resorting to a lie at all — "white" or "black" Here personal integrity enters into the picture, for a lie discovered can only lead to distrust in the future, no matter what shade it is! In a world beset with warring factions all over the globe, with lust for power, for prestige for money how refreshing it is to meet up with an individual who, if he cannot say anything good about another person, at least says nothing bad or detrimental! The man who is guided by that precept is, indeed; beloved of God!. LIVING WITH OTHERS (Romas 12; 9-10) The chapters we are studying today contain the essence of a Godlike life. God's ordinances for the nobler part of man's nature are condensed therein. These exhortations embrace the most common of the sins of mankind — deceit and lying, indifference to one's neighbors, anger (a distructful emotion at best, when not directed to the righting of wrongs) stealing, greed bitterness and goals All these are temptations to sin that besets man daily in his earthly life. We may be blessed with the many life a dry roof over our heads, a warm home to shelter us from the bitter winds of winter, food aplenty on our table; but will a few inspiring words to those who stand without the realm of our home and family, lacking these elements of good fortune, lessen their agonies? How much more practical will proffered food and shelter be to the less fortunate one; and how much more beneficial will it be to the giver! Not, however, if it is given in the wrong spirit, merely to make the donor feel good. Genuine Christian concern for one's fellow men can bring inner peace to man's soul — something that no amount of money can buy. For then he is living a Godlike life, and God is pleased. Good words that are not backed by good works are not necessarily proof of Christnty. And while we may be angered by injustices (as we have a right to be) such anger is beneficial to our, social structure if we do something about it, and see that wrongs are righted. Personal wrongs, however generating personal anger, are another thing altogether. Personal anger, directed at any person or persons, does more harm to the individual beset with that emotion than the recipients of it. For out of anger comes hate one of the most soul-destroying emotions known to mankind. Better to meet such setbacks with adult self-control and reason, than to become a slave to bitterness. And how much pain is caused by gossip! It is human to wish to be the center of attention. But we should ask ourselves we really want to be the center attention of the gossipmongers. If we affiliate ourselevs with such people, we detract from ourselves as persons, and as Christians. When tempted to indulge in gossip we should stop and ask ourselves how we would feel if we were in the subject's shoes. Thievery of worldly goods is frowned upon, both legally and morally. There are, however, intangible, things that are of much more value than mere object which can be thieved, and these can be stolen by gossip, lies or decent. Too often we hear the excuse proffered that it was a "white lie" framed in order to avoid hurting another's feelings. There is really no such thing as a "white lie." Too often this is only an excuse for moral cowardice! This is not to say, however, that bluntness is the only other choice. The subject, too after can be deflected if it is felt it could bring pain, without resorting to a lie at all — "white" or "black" Here personal integrity enters into the picture, for a lie discovered can only lead to distrust in the future, no matter what shade it is! In a world beset with warring factions all over the globe, with lust for power, for prestige for money how refreshing it is to meet up with an individual who, if he cannot say anything good about another person, at least says nothing bad or detrimental! The man who is guided by that precept is, indeed; beloved of God!. PSCHYO PHYSICAL TEMPLE OF THE DIVINE MOTHER, INC. SECRET PRAYER FORMULA CHART RELIEVE PIMPLY SKIN Don't let your skin troubles get you down! Thousands of people have found that Black and White Ointment brings quick, soothing relief to itching, Stinging skin misery. You, too, can enjoy this same wonderful help. Start using Black and White Ointment this very day! Buy it at your favorite drug counter. Sold on a money back guarantee! and other common skin discomforts Don't let your skin troubles get you down! Thousands of people have found that Black and White Ointment brings quick, soothing relief to itching, Stinging skin misery. You, too, can enjoy this same wonderful help. Start using Black and White Ointment this very day! Buy it at your favorite drug counter. Sold on a money back guarantee! Judge Tells How Court Overcame Its Own Racism The history of the supreme Court shows a complete about - face on Negro civil rights today, says Judge Loren Miller of Los Angeles Municipal Court in the current issue of EBONY Magazine. With the perspective of 160 years, Judge Miller records that well into the 20th century the tribunal went along pretty much with the philosophy of Chief Justice Taney in the famed Dred Scott decision of 1857 when he ruled that the Constitution was made by and for white men. Negroes, whether free or slave, were "not included and were not intended to be included under the word citizen in the Constitution they had no rights which a white man was bound to respect." Starting with Taney's predecessor, the great John Marshall, the Court ingeniously interpreted the Constitution and even the sweeping Civil War Amendments so as to discriminate against the Negro. A major turning point in litigation for Negroes came with the famed Scottsboro cases of the early 1930s, climaxed by the 1954 school desegregation case and then the unanimous decision declaring the 1964 Civil Rights Act valid. Interestingly enough, an early High Court decision which Judge Miller cites was against his own grand uncle, an escaped slave named Bird Gee. Brubeck Named To Playboy Hall Of Fame Dave Brubeck, who will appear in concert with his zz quartet in Logan Hall at Tuskegee Institute, March 18 at 8 p.m., has been elected to the Playboy Jazz Hall of Fame. In announcing the honor bestowed on Mr. Brubeck, Playboy editors said: "As a leader of one of Jazzdom's foremost foursomes and one that has remained intact since 1958, the soft-spoken but fierce defender of his music and his musicians has achieved a rare duality." Tickets for the Brubeck Concert at Tuskegee are on sale in the office of the Serial; Librarian and the Institute Council office in the Union Building. Advance tickets are priced at $1.50 for students and $2.50 for adults. Students and adults will be charged $2 and $3 respectively the night of the concert. Alto saxophonist Paul Desmond drummer Joe Morello and bassist Gene Wright will accompany Brubeck in the concert at Tuskegee Institute.