Memphis World
Memphis World Publishing Co.
1960-04-09
Thaddeus T. Stokes

MEMPHIS WORLD
The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-weekly Newspaper
Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO.
Every SATURDAY at 546 BEALE — Phone JA. 6-4030
Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE
W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager
Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn. as second-class mail
under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870
THADDEUS T. STOKES Managing Editor
SMITH FLEMING Circulation Manager
SUBSCRIPTION RATES:
Year $5.00 — 6 Months $3.00 — 3 Months $1.50 (In Advance)
The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian
and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things
it believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those things
against the interest of its readers.

Know What You're Voting For
Newsweek, in urging all citizens to vote, says: "If you can
spend a few minutes each day using hair tonic to save your
hair, can't you spend a few minutes each year at the polls to
save your scalp."
Every vote is important. Many elections have been decided
by a mere handful of votes. And, in instance after instance, this
has amounted to election by minority - for the reason that only
half the qualified voters or less troubled to go to the polls.
Another thing needs to be added. An igorant vote is as
bad or worse than no vote at all. Study the candidates and their
platforms. Consider their integrity, character, sincerity. Measure
their ideas in terms of freedom, opportunity, and the traditions
and principles on which the American system of government has
been built.
Yes, vote — in every election, minor or major, that is open
to you. And make sure it is an informed vote.

White House Youth Conference
Airs Our Problems
The problems which face American youth emerging from
the backwash of two global wars have undergone searching
scrutiny at the White House Youth Conference. The inadequacies,
the failures, the excesses and the requisites have been outlined
in bold relief so that our society may find happiness, certainty,
security, health and careers to guarantee a democratic society.
Some 7,500 college and high school students and teachers,
educators, social workers, parents, industry representatives, religious 
authorities and ministerial groups, city, state and U.S.
welfare workers, government and university economists, and
key figures in various categories of endeavor have explored
requisites for achieving desired living, economic, employment,
educational, career and social goals.
Meeting in Washington, D.C., at the invitation of President
Eisenhower, delegates covered a wide variety of aims, which
included ethics in government, business, communications, church,
desegregation and implementation of court degrees, fair employment 
practices, job opportunity and parental control.
The President has been asked to help speed desegregation
and to "affirm the principle" that the federal government has
a continuing share of responsibility for financial support of
public schools, but "full control" of the schools should remain
at the local level.
Support has also been voiced for various aspects of the
desegregation cause. Aid was asked for broken homes and
specifically dependent children. There were recommendations
that television, radio, movies, magazines and newspapers "accept 
greater responsibility for transmitting the ideas and values
which make for a wholesome culture."
The White House Youth Conference has aired its views on
a variety of themes, many brought about by growing juvenile
delinquency, parental irresponsibility, the Cold War, economic
discrimination, urban ghettoes, our growing prison population,
rising crime statistics, desegregation and trends that carry so
many from the farms to our sprawling cities.
Youth has spoken on the gigantic problems that face our
Country. Let us keep vigilant and get about the task of solving
their complaints.

The Cherry Blossom Festival
Once a year, somewhat remembering the first President
of the nation, who "admitted" when a lad cutting down his
father's cherry tree with his hatchet, Washington and the country 
celebrate the Cherry Blossom Festival.
That is a fine token of Spring and it affords that nostalgic
relation and atmosphere which inquire into the poetic natures
of man-where-such exists.
All in all, it is a colorful drama, staged by the rich affluence 
of pageantry and those life scenes which put a new flavor
into the spirit of the nation.
It is said, however, that due to late winter snows, there
are no cherry blossoms on the cherry trees, but it is hoped that
there will be plenty of them by the weekend when the festival
will be coming to a close.
It is a fine setting of cherry trees adorning the campus of
the national shrine, itself emblematic of the yearning of our
country for a lasting peace and its insistence upon all that is
elegant, noble and uplifting be engrained in the American way
and the American principle.
Now on with the show—cherry blossom time in Washington.

April 13 Announced As
'Africa Freedom Day'

The committee called the killing
of 72 Africans on March 21 by the
South African government "the
shame of Smith Africa" and pointed 
out some of the reactions of
the world to the massacres.
The committee asks for generous
contributions to aid the orphans
and widows of the slain, the healing 
of the hundreds of wounded,
and for the legal aid of several
hundred Africans on trial.
Since the slayings, the committee
retorted, the South African government 
has "canned, whipped and
jailed hundreds of Africans; banned 
meetings of more than 12 persons 
until the end of June; announced 
a plan to outlaw African
political organizations; questioned
'the right of the U. S. government
to concern itself with the domestic 
affairs of South Africa."
Honorary chairmen of the Freedom 
Day program are Mrs. Franklin 
D. Roosevelt, Harry Belafonte,
Dr. Martin L. King, Jr.; George
A Philip Randolph, Walter Reu
ther 
and Jackie Robinson.
The program which starts at 8
p. m. will feature Thurgood Marshall, 
advisor to Africans at the
recent Kenya constitutional conference 
in London and chief counsel, 
NAACP; Kenneth Kaunda, political 
leader of Northern Rhodesia;
representatives from independent
African Slates and those countries
still struggling for freedom; plus
entertainment by the Wilbur de
Paris Jazz Orchestra, Eva Jessye
Choir, Chad Mitchell Trio, Dinizulu 
Dancers and others.
Some members of the American
Committee on Africa are Norman
Cousins, Lorraine Hansberry, Sen.
Jacob K. Javits, Norman Thomas,
Roy Wilkins, Archbishop Joost de
Blank, Capetown; Tom Mboya,
Kenya; Julius Nyerere, Dares Salaam; 
and many, many others.
Contributions can be sent to the
Africa Defense and Aid Fund, 801
Second Ave., New York 17, NY.


To the Editor:
Ifeel that a contagious freedom
epidemic has been born from a
fearless new order of young Negro
scholars. This Young, new fearless
Negro has captured the pride, envy
and admiration of students, leaders,
common people and laymen. All of
us must band together in a clearly
unsurpassed black unity in support
of the embattled youngsters who
courageously tread the South.
The well disciplined infectious
movement to break traditional segregation 
has given the Northern
Negro something with which to
identify himself, something which
comes as a means of jolting complacency. 
The movement gives the
Negro of the North the chance to
belong, the opportunity to assert
himself, to align with a cause carefully 
calculated to redefine and
bring into focus the true import of
democracy.
The Northern Negro has been
forced to stop and take a second
look at his Southern brother, whom
he has long felt would be least
among Negroes to act toward
breaking the chains of racial segregation. 
He is concerned because
Southern students are taking an
invitation to improve their lot that
those of the North should have
taken long ago and is pleasantly
disturbed because he is not reciprocal 
part of this history-making
episode.
We Negroes of the North stand
in awe at our Southern brothers'
unity as students march unafraid
and undisturbed by regional rumblings 
toward the threats in an outraged 
Southernland.
This morally right movement
must not and cannot die. This
movement is the most courageous
Negro activity that has happened
in the last fifty years. If anything
gets changed, it will take young
people to bring about the change.
James T. Hurdt,
Chicago, Ill

'Student Movement Has
Caused Black Unity'
To the Editor:
Ifeel that a contagious freedom
epidemic has been born from a
fearless new order of young Negro
scholars. This Young, new fearless
Negro has captured the pride, envy
and admiration of students, leaders,
common people and laymen. All of
us must band together in a clearly
unsurpassed black unity in support
of the embattled youngsters who
courageously tread the South.
The well disciplined infectious
movement to break traditional segregation 
has given the Northern
Negro something with which to
identify himself, something which
comes as a means of jolting complacency. 
The movement gives the
Negro of the North the chance to
belong, the opportunity to assert
himself, to align with a cause carefully 
calculated to redefine and
bring into focus the true import of
democracy.
The Northern Negro has been
forced to stop and take a second
look at his Southern brother, whom
he has long felt would be least
among Negroes to act toward
breaking the chains of racial segregation. 
He is concerned because
Southern students are taking an
invitation to improve their lot that
those of the North should have
taken long ago and is pleasantly
disturbed because he is not reciprocal 
part of this history-making
episode.
We Negroes of the North stand
in awe at our Southern brothers'
unity as students march unafraid
and undisturbed by regional rumblings 
toward the threats in an outraged 
Southernland.
This morally right movement
must not and cannot die. This
movement is the most courageous
Negro activity that has happened
in the last fifty years. If anything
gets changed, it will take young
people to bring about the change.
James T. Hurdt,
Chicago, Ill

SECOND LOOK
To the Editor:
Ifeel that a contagious freedom
epidemic has been born from a
fearless new order of young Negro
scholars. This Young, new fearless
Negro has captured the pride, envy
and admiration of students, leaders,
common people and laymen. All of
us must band together in a clearly
unsurpassed black unity in support
of the embattled youngsters who
courageously tread the South.
The well disciplined infectious
movement to break traditional segregation 
has given the Northern
Negro something with which to
identify himself, something which
comes as a means of jolting complacency. 
The movement gives the
Negro of the North the chance to
belong, the opportunity to assert
himself, to align with a cause carefully 
calculated to redefine and
bring into focus the true import of
democracy.
The Northern Negro has been
forced to stop and take a second
look at his Southern brother, whom
he has long felt would be least
among Negroes to act toward
breaking the chains of racial segregation. 
He is concerned because
Southern students are taking an
invitation to improve their lot that
those of the North should have
taken long ago and is pleasantly
disturbed because he is not reciprocal 
part of this history-making
episode.
We Negroes of the North stand
in awe at our Southern brothers'
unity as students march unafraid
and undisturbed by regional rumblings 
toward the threats in an outraged 
Southernland.
This morally right movement
must not and cannot die. This
movement is the most courageous
Negro activity that has happened
in the last fifty years. If anything
gets changed, it will take young
people to bring about the change.
James T. Hurdt,
Chicago, Ill

Ethiopians Hove
Against Brutality
A spokesman
for the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs declared this week
that in conformity with Article 31
of the Charter of the United States,
Ethiopia had dispatched full powers 
to its representative at the
United Nations to participate in the
discussions opening this week at
the Security Council on the recent
killings and mass violence inspired
by a racial hatred and discrimination 
in South Africa.
He continued: "The Ethiopian
people have been unspeakably
shocked by the recent atrocities
and unqualifiedly condemns them
as repugnant to the bases and concepts 
of acceptable conduct anywhere 
Racial discrimination can
nowhere be tolerated."
The fact that this slaughter of
innocent people was committed in
the name of racial discrimination
clearly endangers the peace and
security in the region and poses for
members of the United Nations
from the continent of Africa, as indeed 
for all other members the
duty of bringing the matter before
the Security Council. Ethiopia will
seek, during the coming discussions,
to promote united action for bringing 
to halt measures so repugnant
to the cause of peaceful cooperation 
among peoples."

Mississippi Gets

are very remote.
The opposition to the bill included 
former governor James P. Coleman, 
a segregationist. He said that
it is a mistake to put the matter
in the hands of the courts because
removing the trustee could be appealed 
to the Supreme Court.

Voter Registration

organize themselves into campaigner 
and register voters.
"The campaign will continue until 
the registration . books at the
courthouse are closed," said Patton.
An appeal for more volunteer
workers was sent out.
Frank Kilpatrick is coordinator
of the drive. Chairman of the organization 
of Rev. W. L Varnado,
pastor of Cumming Street Baptist
Church.
Many ministers were among the
audience. Included, were: Rev. J. T.
Freeman, Rev. J. W. Williams of
Lane Avenue Baptist, Church; Rev.
A. E. Campbell or Columbus Baptist 
Church; Rev. D. L McGhee.
Rev. L. A. Hamblin of Golden Leaf
Baptist.
The next meeting is scheduled
for Tuesday, April 12 at 7:59 p. m.,
at Universal Life insurance building. 


Training Heads

Conference in Miami, Fla., July. 1820. 

The Kentucky State Apprenticeship 
and Training Conference, will
be held at Louisville, April 19; the
Florida State Apprenticeship Conference, 
at Tampa, May 6-7; the
California State Apprenticeship
Conference, at San Francisco,
May 18-20; and the Ohio State
Apprenticeship Conference, at Dayton, 
November 1-3.
Field representatives of to U.
S. Department of Labor's Bureau

of Apprenticeship and Training
and State Apprenticeship agencies
are assisting in arranging the conferences. 


SEEING and SAYING
By WILLIAM FOWLKES
World's Managing Editor
THIS IS A RE-HASH of an old idea and contention!
But, it is occasioned by. Atlanta Mayor William B. Hartsfield's 
recent advice to college students, who are dramatically
demonstrating to the South the absurdity of segregation —
the badge of inferiority.

UNFORTUNATELY, there are millions of
our neighbors who do not know that the Negro is as far away
from slave status as civilization requires of any people. They
dream of magnolias, mint juleps, and chattel servants, without
realizing present times for what they really are.


JUST WHY our major organizations, falter before the demands 
for more, more and more information about the real
American Negro remains quite a mystery.
Much of the friction and misunderstanding, which arise
every time the Negro appeals for simple consideration as an
equal man, could be eliminated, if more of our neighbors knew
"our side."


On Telling Our Side
By WILLIAM FOWLKES
World's Managing Editor
THIS IS A RE-HASH of an old idea and contention!
But, it is occasioned by. Atlanta Mayor William B. Hartsfield's 
recent advice to college students, who are dramatically
demonstrating to the South the absurdity of segregation —
the badge of inferiority.

UNFORTUNATELY, there are millions of
our neighbors who do not know that the Negro is as far away
from slave status as civilization requires of any people. They
dream of magnolias, mint juleps, and chattel servants, without
realizing present times for what they really are.


JUST WHY our major organizations, falter before the demands 
for more, more and more information about the real
American Negro remains quite a mystery.
Much of the friction and misunderstanding, which arise
every time the Negro appeals for simple consideration as an
equal man, could be eliminated, if more of our neighbors knew
"our side."


Airman's Father

the air force made no specific request 
for the custody of the airman, 
and declared:
"I hardly need point out that racial 
tensions have never been higher 
in Montgomery than they are at
this time. I find it indefeasible
and reprehensible in the extreme
that the air force has allowed
Mays, a Negro, to become the victim 
of the vindictive, emotioncharged 
atmosphere which prevades 
the deep south."


THE LAND IS BRIGHT
BY JIM KJELGAARD
Copyright © 1958 by Jim Kjelgaard. Reprinted by permission
of the publisher, Dodd, Mead &Co., Inc. Distributed by K.F.S.
 now Brigadier General 
Macklyn Campbell of the
Confederate army, was back at
Quail Wings after three weeks at
Montgomery, conferring with Confederate 
leaders. Only this morntag 
Toby, overseer of the stables
at Quail Wings, bad brought
Colin Campbell a message scribbled 
in haste: "Must see you at
once. Macklyn." And Colin,
mounted on Robin, was on his
way to meet his brother.
During the three weeks since
war had broken out he hat fretted
constantly, the more he thought
of it, the more he was convinced
that his idea of leading the mountain 
men was the only service he
could perform In this war with
any degree of satisfaction to anyone. 

As Colin rode through Wetberty 
he looked for any changes the
war might have made in the life
of the town. A fanner was drivlug 
a yoke of oxen up the road.
Saddled horses twitched their tails
or stamped their feet at various
bitching posts. Children played.
Jason Maxwell, the middle-aged
clubfoot who had devoted his
spare time to studying military
campaigns, was again drilling
awkward country youths in an
empty lot Men and women went
about their small but all-Important 
tasks precisely as they went
about them every day of their
lives.
In a republic, according to
theory, the people made every decision: 
the people would decide in
favor of or against war. Colin
thought bitterly that with few exceptions 
nobody in Wetherly had
any clear ideas about why North
and South differed or why war
should be, But the people he saw
about him would not respond to
the voice of reason. They would
be lured by a rattling drum, an
inflammatory poster, an impasstoned 
speaker. They would hate,
but they would never really know
why they hated. If reason prevailed, 
however, there would be
no war.
As he left Wetherly behind him
he reprimanded himself. Who
really understood war?
For the first time to his life
Colin went directly to the study
at Quail Wings and entered with
out knocking. His father, as usual
sat behind the desk and as he
looked at him, Colin hoped the
successfully concealed the shock
he felt He had known, of course
that bis father was old, but for
the first time he seemed old.
"Are you ill, Father?" Colin
blurted.
"Not exactly," Macklyn answered 
for the old man. "He is
upset because the army refused
to accept him."
"You—you don't mean he tried

to join the army?"
"And why not?" A little of his
Esther's old spirit flared. "Why
shouldn't I serve the army in
some capacity? I've forgotten
more about a thousand different
things than some ot these snippy
young officers will ever know."
Macklyn's fine dark eyes were
gentle as they warned Colin to
humor the old man.
"I know just what you mean,"
Colin assured his father. "Why,
we had a recruiting officer visit
Hobbs Creek the other day who
knew as much about handling
men as a six-week-old kitten."
His father looked grateful.
Colin glanced at the star on
Macklyn's shoulder. "Congratulations, 
General Campbell," he said,
"What will your assignment be?"
Macklyn smiled proudly. "I'm
to be in charge of the army of
upper Connicon." Then looking
stern, he added, "Now that war
has come, you've forgotten all
that nonsense about the futility of
war and so on, I hope?"
'I haven't changed my views
and I don't consider them nonsense, 
but once the die is cast I
know it is useless to discuss them
further. Tell me, there'll be conscription, 
I suppose?"
His father gasped. "Colin! You
would wait to be conscripted?"
"Not for myself, Father. I was
thinking of the men of Hobbs
Creek and what their future will
be."
"I had in mind stationing you
at Dare's Landing," Macklyn said
"Tom Dare has been made colone
to charge of supplies for this am
and he'll need someone who know:
the law and can cut through a
mass of rules and regulations and
legal details. It may seem odd to
you to be put under his command
in view or your old relationship
with Jeannie, but we must all forget 
personal considerations in this
emergency."
The idea of doing Tom Dare's
paper work filled Colin with horror. 
"No, no!", he said. "Some
older' lawyer can do that better
than I. I have an idea of my
own. But tell me first whether
there will be conscription."
"If the war lasts more than
three or four; months," Macklyn
answered, "there will certainly be
conscription. But we are hoping
by a strong show of volunteer
strength to demonstrate to the
Northern leaders that it is useless 
to try to take the South by
forte of arms. Virginia will naturally 
be the crucial state."
"I see," Colin said "In other
words, either a man volunteer
now and, by swelling be Confederate 
army, serves to warn the
North by his mere presence in
uniform, or there will be real
hard fighting and the need for
conscription."
"Yes, that's about it," Macklyn
answered.
"Here's my idea, then," Colin
said. "My neighbors on Hobbs
Creek are good men and they'd
make the best fighters you ever
saw,, but. they're used to a lot of
leeway and they'd' never take orders 
from a conventional army
officer."
"You mean they're undisciplined," 
Macklyn said. "The army
would knock that out of them
soon enough."
"They have their own kind of
discipline," Colin answered "But
they require someone who understands 
what it is to be their leader. 
I've been among them a good
deal I like them and respect
them, and I think they feel the
same way about me. I would like
to recruit them and serve as their
commanding officer. Put them
under the wrong officer and they
will desert within two hours."
"Then they're too unreliable."
'They're steady as a rock under
the right circumstances. If they're
under my command. I'll answer
for them."
"Are you sure you can handle
this?" Macklyn asked, concern on
his handsome face.
'I'm sure."
"If you'll take the word of a
useless old man," Ralph Campbell 
put in, 'I think Colin has a
splendid idea there."
"All right, Colin. You have a
free hand and may expect a captain's 
commission. Are you prepared 
to start right away?"
"Yes."
"Come into Denbury tomorrow.
Your commission will be ready,
and you will be sworn in."
"Where is the army headquarters 
in Denbury?"
"We've taken over the inn. You
know, by the way, that you'll
have to resign your judicature."
"Yes, ill do It tomorrow."
"Do you have a training center
in mind for your troops?"
"Wetherty's a central point and
I should be able to recruit more
men there. My men will be Issued
arms, uniforms, supplies and pay
according to the standards of the
Confederate army, of course?"
"Of course. Ill arrange everything, 
don't worry. And I'll have
a barracks ready and waiting for
you in Wetherly."
"That's all I need to know for
the time being, Ill get my horse
and go home to start recruiting."
"You aren't even going to stay
overnight?" Macklyn asked. "I
know Betsie is eager to see you."
"Give her ray love and tell her
I mustn't waste a minute while a
war's on," Colin teased.

1958 by Jim Kjelgaard. Reprint granted by publisher, Dodd, Mead & Co., Inc., Dist. by King Features Syndicate.

CHAPTER 18
BY JIM KJELGAARD
Copyright © 1958 by Jim Kjelgaard. Reprinted by permission
of the publisher, Dodd, Mead &Co., Inc. Distributed by K.F.S.
 now Brigadier General 
Macklyn Campbell of the
Confederate army, was back at
Quail Wings after three weeks at
Montgomery, conferring with Confederate 
leaders. Only this morntag 
Toby, overseer of the stables
at Quail Wings, bad brought
Colin Campbell a message scribbled 
in haste: "Must see you at
once. Macklyn." And Colin,
mounted on Robin, was on his
way to meet his brother.
During the three weeks since
war had broken out he hat fretted
constantly, the more he thought
of it, the more he was convinced
that his idea of leading the mountain 
men was the only service he
could perform In this war with
any degree of satisfaction to anyone. 

As Colin rode through Wetberty 
he looked for any changes the
war might have made in the life
of the town. A fanner was drivlug 
a yoke of oxen up the road.
Saddled horses twitched their tails
or stamped their feet at various
bitching posts. Children played.
Jason Maxwell, the middle-aged
clubfoot who had devoted his
spare time to studying military
campaigns, was again drilling
awkward country youths in an
empty lot Men and women went
about their small but all-Important 
tasks precisely as they went
about them every day of their
lives.
In a republic, according to
theory, the people made every decision: 
the people would decide in
favor of or against war. Colin
thought bitterly that with few exceptions 
nobody in Wetherly had
any clear ideas about why North
and South differed or why war
should be, But the people he saw
about him would not respond to
the voice of reason. They would
be lured by a rattling drum, an
inflammatory poster, an impasstoned 
speaker. They would hate,
but they would never really know
why they hated. If reason prevailed, 
however, there would be
no war.
As he left Wetherly behind him
he reprimanded himself. Who
really understood war?
For the first time to his life
Colin went directly to the study
at Quail Wings and entered with
out knocking. His father, as usual
sat behind the desk and as he
looked at him, Colin hoped the
successfully concealed the shock
he felt He had known, of course
that bis father was old, but for
the first time he seemed old.
"Are you ill, Father?" Colin
blurted.
"Not exactly," Macklyn answered 
for the old man. "He is
upset because the army refused
to accept him."
"You—you don't mean he tried

to join the army?"
"And why not?" A little of his
Esther's old spirit flared. "Why
shouldn't I serve the army in
some capacity? I've forgotten
more about a thousand different
things than some ot these snippy
young officers will ever know."
Macklyn's fine dark eyes were
gentle as they warned Colin to
humor the old man.
"I know just what you mean,"
Colin assured his father. "Why,
we had a recruiting officer visit
Hobbs Creek the other day who
knew as much about handling
men as a six-week-old kitten."
His father looked grateful.
Colin glanced at the star on
Macklyn's shoulder. "Congratulations, 
General Campbell," he said,
"What will your assignment be?"
Macklyn smiled proudly. "I'm
to be in charge of the army of
upper Connicon." Then looking
stern, he added, "Now that war
has come, you've forgotten all
that nonsense about the futility of
war and so on, I hope?"
'I haven't changed my views
and I don't consider them nonsense, 
but once the die is cast I
know it is useless to discuss them
further. Tell me, there'll be conscription, 
I suppose?"
His father gasped. "Colin! You
would wait to be conscripted?"
"Not for myself, Father. I was
thinking of the men of Hobbs
Creek and what their future will
be."
"I had in mind stationing you
at Dare's Landing," Macklyn said
"Tom Dare has been made colone
to charge of supplies for this am
and he'll need someone who know:
the law and can cut through a
mass of rules and regulations and
legal details. It may seem odd to
you to be put under his command
in view or your old relationship
with Jeannie, but we must all forget 
personal considerations in this
emergency."
The idea of doing Tom Dare's
paper work filled Colin with horror. 
"No, no!", he said. "Some
older' lawyer can do that better
than I. I have an idea of my
own. But tell me first whether
there will be conscription."
"If the war lasts more than
three or four; months," Macklyn
answered, "there will certainly be
conscription. But we are hoping
by a strong show of volunteer
strength to demonstrate to the
Northern leaders that it is useless 
to try to take the South by
forte of arms. Virginia will naturally 
be the crucial state."
"I see," Colin said "In other
words, either a man volunteer
now and, by swelling be Confederate 
army, serves to warn the
North by his mere presence in
uniform, or there will be real
hard fighting and the need for
conscription."
"Yes, that's about it," Macklyn
answered.
"Here's my idea, then," Colin
said. "My neighbors on Hobbs
Creek are good men and they'd
make the best fighters you ever
saw,, but. they're used to a lot of
leeway and they'd' never take orders 
from a conventional army
officer."
"You mean they're undisciplined," 
Macklyn said. "The army
would knock that out of them
soon enough."
"They have their own kind of
discipline," Colin answered "But
they require someone who understands 
what it is to be their leader. 
I've been among them a good
deal I like them and respect
them, and I think they feel the
same way about me. I would like
to recruit them and serve as their
commanding officer. Put them
under the wrong officer and they
will desert within two hours."
"Then they're too unreliable."
'They're steady as a rock under
the right circumstances. If they're
under my command. I'll answer
for them."
"Are you sure you can handle
this?" Macklyn asked, concern on
his handsome face.
'I'm sure."
"If you'll take the word of a
useless old man," Ralph Campbell 
put in, 'I think Colin has a
splendid idea there."
"All right, Colin. You have a
free hand and may expect a captain's 
commission. Are you prepared 
to start right away?"
"Yes."
"Come into Denbury tomorrow.
Your commission will be ready,
and you will be sworn in."
"Where is the army headquarters 
in Denbury?"
"We've taken over the inn. You
know, by the way, that you'll
have to resign your judicature."
"Yes, ill do It tomorrow."
"Do you have a training center
in mind for your troops?"
"Wetherty's a central point and
I should be able to recruit more
men there. My men will be Issued
arms, uniforms, supplies and pay
according to the standards of the
Confederate army, of course?"
"Of course. Ill arrange everything, 
don't worry. And I'll have
a barracks ready and waiting for
you in Wetherly."
"That's all I need to know for
the time being, Ill get my horse
and go home to start recruiting."
"You aren't even going to stay
overnight?" Macklyn asked. "I
know Betsie is eager to see you."
"Give her ray love and tell her
I mustn't waste a minute while a
war's on," Colin teased.

1958 by Jim Kjelgaard. Reprint granted by publisher, Dodd, Mead & Co., Inc., Dist. by King Features Syndicate.

'Disorderly Charges'

Arrested inside the Art Gallery
were:
Willy Jamerson, 24, of 705 Pendleton: 

Curtis Williams, 28, of 64 East
Utah.
Frank Cole, 21. of 425 St. Paul.
James Cleaves, 21, of 1233 Capitol. 

Charles Gregory, 24, of 604-1 Lauderdale. 

Katy Jean Robertson, 21, of 211
Leath.
Rose Lee Ingram, 21 of 1832
Keltner Circle.
Carol Ann Hooks, 21, of 1860

South Parkway East.
Bernice Hightower, 22, of 352 East
Trigg.
Dorothy Truitt, 24; of 674 Whittington. 

Arrested outside of the Art Gallery 
were:
Bennie May Johnson, 21 of 950
Mississippi.
Claree Avant, 21, of 1656 Arkansas. 

Johnnie Naylor, 22, of 730 Dallas.
Steve Taylor, 21, of 696 Marechainell. 

Harold G. Ranson, 24, of West
Memphis.
Jean Francie Brown, 25, of 328
Ingle.
Arrested at Cossit library April
4 were:
Deborah King, 20, of 4545 Lawrence 
Road, student at Owen College. 

Benjamin Harrison Sims, 18, of
753 Dallas, a LeMoyne College student. 

Peggy Ann Townsend, 24, of 491
Walker, enderson Business College
student.
Gladys Newburn, 21, Ripley,
Tenn., Owen College student.
Arrested at Memphis Public Library: 

Rueben Sylvester Baggett, 19, of
1089 Whitfield.
Juanita Johnson Hardor, 28, of
1402 Kyle.
Bobbie Phillips, 20, of 697 Vance.
Jessie Lee Jones, 21, of 541 Vance.

APRIL 4

Arrested inside the Art Gallery
were:
Willy Jamerson, 24, of 705 Pendleton: 

Curtis Williams, 28, of 64 East
Utah.
Frank Cole, 21. of 425 St. Paul.
James Cleaves, 21, of 1233 Capitol. 

Charles Gregory, 24, of 604-1 Lauderdale. 

Katy Jean Robertson, 21, of 211
Leath.
Rose Lee Ingram, 21 of 1832
Keltner Circle.
Carol Ann Hooks, 21, of 1860

South Parkway East.
Bernice Hightower, 22, of 352 East
Trigg.
Dorothy Truitt, 24; of 674 Whittington. 

Arrested outside of the Art Gallery 
were:
Bennie May Johnson, 21 of 950
Mississippi.
Claree Avant, 21, of 1656 Arkansas. 

Johnnie Naylor, 22, of 730 Dallas.
Steve Taylor, 21, of 696 Marechainell. 

Harold G. Ranson, 24, of West
Memphis.
Jean Francie Brown, 25, of 328
Ingle.
Arrested at Cossit library April
4 were:
Deborah King, 20, of 4545 Lawrence 
Road, student at Owen College. 

Benjamin Harrison Sims, 18, of
753 Dallas, a LeMoyne College student. 

Peggy Ann Townsend, 24, of 491
Walker, enderson Business College
student.
Gladys Newburn, 21, Ripley,
Tenn., Owen College student.
Arrested at Memphis Public Library: 

Rueben Sylvester Baggett, 19, of
1089 Whitfield.
Juanita Johnson Hardor, 28, of
1402 Kyle.
Bobbie Phillips, 20, of 697 Vance.
Jessie Lee Jones, 21, of 541 Vance.

Don't Buy

"As a result of riots and intimidations 
there are at present a number 
of Bantu African natives who
did not possess' their reference
books," Erasmus said.
The justice minister said that
starting this week arrangements
would be made to supply those Negroes 
who had destroyed their pass
books with, temporary substitute
documents of identification.
The surprise government announcement 
came at the end of an
uneasy national holiday which interrupted 
the days of racial violence. 

But extremist Negro leaders
warned that anti-white feeling was
reaching dangerous levels.
Two groups of South. African
businessmen, angered by enormous
stock market losses, Wednesday
demanded a showdown interview
with the premier, in search of a
radical change in government
handling of the racial crisis.
General feeling among businessmen 
controlling the nation's economy 
was reported to be:
"We are sick of being told by the
government what is good for us.
It is time the government listened
to us about the subject of our own
needs."
The government statement making 
it again mandatory for African
native to carry pass books warned
employers they also would be guilty 
of an offense "if they employ
or retain the services" of any Af
ricans 
who did not have the required 
documents.
The pass book law, a key provision 
of South Africa's apartheid
segregation policy, had been suspended 
temporarily after native
groups led by the Pan Africanist
Congress urged all Africans to stage
passive resistance movements
against it.
Large numbers of the natives refused 
to return to work until repeal 
of the law. Heavily armed police 
have moved into Negro, sections 
of various cities and have
clubbed, whipped and fired on the
Negro to force them back to their
jobs.
The stay-at-home strike by Africans 
hardly affected the holiday.
But police announced "they were
prepared to move back Thursday
into Negro areas to "protect Africans" 
wishing to return to work.
Such forays in recent days brought
death and injury to scores.

"SICK" OF GOVERNMENT
ORDERS

"As a result of riots and intimidations 
there are at present a number 
of Bantu African natives who
did not possess' their reference
books," Erasmus said.
The justice minister said that
starting this week arrangements
would be made to supply those Negroes 
who had destroyed their pass
books with, temporary substitute
documents of identification.
The surprise government announcement 
came at the end of an
uneasy national holiday which interrupted 
the days of racial violence. 

But extremist Negro leaders
warned that anti-white feeling was
reaching dangerous levels.
Two groups of South. African
businessmen, angered by enormous
stock market losses, Wednesday
demanded a showdown interview
with the premier, in search of a
radical change in government
handling of the racial crisis.
General feeling among businessmen 
controlling the nation's economy 
was reported to be:
"We are sick of being told by the
government what is good for us.
It is time the government listened
to us about the subject of our own
needs."
The government statement making 
it again mandatory for African
native to carry pass books warned
employers they also would be guilty 
of an offense "if they employ
or retain the services" of any Af
ricans 
who did not have the required 
documents.
The pass book law, a key provision 
of South Africa's apartheid
segregation policy, had been suspended 
temporarily after native
groups led by the Pan Africanist
Congress urged all Africans to stage
passive resistance movements
against it.
Large numbers of the natives refused 
to return to work until repeal 
of the law. Heavily armed police 
have moved into Negro, sections 
of various cities and have
clubbed, whipped and fired on the
Negro to force them back to their
jobs.
The stay-at-home strike by Africans 
hardly affected the holiday.
But police announced "they were
prepared to move back Thursday
into Negro areas to "protect Africans" 
wishing to return to work.
Such forays in recent days brought
death and injury to scores.



Dr. Clark A. Chester, secretary of
the Home and Foreign Missions
Board of the AME Church, screenid 
a motion picture and some slides
tie made, showing activities of his
department in Africa. The screening 
was in the board room of the
teamsters Building here.
After the screening, Luther White,
a public relations man of Cleveland, 
Ohio, introduced Hoffa, a
small but tough labor unionist who
rose from a warehouse to the presidency 
of one of the most powerful 
independent international unions 
in the country.
Hoffa defended the reputation Of
his union and his conduct of its
affairs, lambasted the press, and
Senator John L. McClellan of Arkansas, 
and even took a shot at his
own lawyers because they had been
unwilling to sign a document impeaching 
a judge.
He gave himself a clean bill of
health on the matter of racial discrimination 
and opened himself up
to qeustioning.
I had an opposite impression of
Hoffa — that he had lent himself
to racial discrimination. Then there
were other things about which I
had reservations.
For instance, Hoffa, while vice
president of the Teamsters and
heir-apparent to the presidency,
was arrested in 1957 during hearings 
before the McClellan Committee. 
He was accused of hiring John
C. Cheasty, a New York lawyer,
to join the committee's staff and
furnish Hoffa with confidential information 
from the committee's
files.
Cheasty informed the committee
and worked with the FBI to trap
Hoffa, who was alleged to have paid
Hoffa $3,000.
Hoffa was acquitted by a federal
jury of six colored and six white
persons. His defense was that he
had hired Cheasty only as a lawyer 
and did not know that he was
later hired by the committee.
During the trial, Hoffa had Joe,
Louis, the ex-heavyweight boxing
champion, to come to Washington,
attende the trial and shake hands
with him before the jury. A person 
would have to be naive not to
believe that this bit of melodramatics 
was not staged to influence
the jury.
Hoffa was asked what had he
to say about the testimony that a
colored over-the-road driver had
been refused membership in Local
299, Detroit, of which Hoffa was
president.
The colored man testified before
the McClellan Committee that fie
had attempted to haul steel into
the Detroit area, that he was rejected 
for membership in Hoffa's
local, that he got membership in
a local Youngstown, Ohio and began 
hauling steel, but, because of
union discrimination, he could not
get return cargoes and eventually
became a bankrupt.
Hoffa vigorously denied that
there had been any discrimination
by his local and charged that the
testimony had been given because
of bias against him.
The only Teamster's local he has
found practicing segregation, Hoffa
said, was in Tampa, Fla, and that
the local would stop it or lose its
charter.
He told a story of going in Louisiana 
to attempt to organize Standard 
Oil workers at Baton Rouge.
Charging discrimination against
himself, he said in New Orleans he
was unable to get a hotel room until 
a reservation was made in another 
name.
On the motor trip from New Orleans 
to Baton Rouge; he charged,
Louisiana state patrolmen lined the
route to see that he did not leave
it.
In Baton Rouge, he was refused
use of an old hangar for a meeting. 
He was told that the metal
hangar might catch on fire. A minister 
canceled use of his Church
because of pressures Finally, John
L. Lewis, president of the United
Mine Workers, came to his rescue
and permitted him to hold his
meeting in the UMW hall.
The hall seated only 500. Outside
there was a crowd of 4,000 listening
to Hoffa's speech over loudspeakers. 
Inside, Hoffa said, Standard

Oil had placed its stooges and
goons taking up 200 of the 500
front seats.
The stooges and goons had plantid 
questions. Some of them, Hoffa
said, were too dumb to memorize
he questions and had to stand up
and read them.
While he was speaking, one of
his aides told him he was on the
air. Microphones and cameras had
been placed in the hall, without
his knowledge, and his meeting with
his union members was being telecast 
into Baton Rouge homes.
Then the $64 question: "What do
yon think of racial segregation?"
Hoffa said he could see a riot
starting, But he decided to answer
the question. He said he told them
what he would have said in Washington, 
New York or Detroit —
that he would tolerate no segregation 
in Teamster locals.
The Teamsters lost the election.
As a result, if a strike occurs, the
colored employees of Standard Oil
would become strikebreakers and
take over the jobs of white workers. 
"That serves them right," Hoffa 
said.
Hoffa is accused of corruption
and association with racketeers. The
AFL-CIO expelled the Teamsters.
Hoffa was elected president, by a
2-to-1 margin over the combined
vote of his two opponents, to succeed 
Dave Beck, retiring president.
Senator John L. McClellan of
Arkansas warned that repressive
legislation would follow. In 1959
Congress passed the Landrum-Griffin 
Labor - Management Reporting
and Disclosures Act, requiring publiC 
reports on elections, funds and
contracts.
Hoffa says this law puts labor,
into a straitjacket. He points to
the "hot cargo" provision.
oHtels and restaurants employ a
lot of colored help. Formerly, when
hotel and restaurant employees
struck, Hoffa could end the strike
by having his drivers to refuse to
cross picket lines to make deliveries.
Under the "hot cargo" provision
of the Landrum-Griffin law, Hoffa
said, this is no longer possible. The
"hot cargo" must be delivered.
The story of Hoffa, is plausible
and impressive. As between him and
McClellan, Hoffa should have the
benefit of the doubt McClellan is
a racist, Hoffa is not.

Straight On Question

Dr. Clark A. Chester, secretary of
the Home and Foreign Missions
Board of the AME Church, screenid 
a motion picture and some slides
tie made, showing activities of his
department in Africa. The screening 
was in the board room of the
teamsters Building here.
After the screening, Luther White,
a public relations man of Cleveland, 
Ohio, introduced Hoffa, a
small but tough labor unionist who
rose from a warehouse to the presidency 
of one of the most powerful 
independent international unions 
in the country.
Hoffa defended the reputation Of
his union and his conduct of its
affairs, lambasted the press, and
Senator John L. McClellan of Arkansas, 
and even took a shot at his
own lawyers because they had been
unwilling to sign a document impeaching 
a judge.
He gave himself a clean bill of
health on the matter of racial discrimination 
and opened himself up
to qeustioning.
I had an opposite impression of
Hoffa — that he had lent himself
to racial discrimination. Then there
were other things about which I
had reservations.
For instance, Hoffa, while vice
president of the Teamsters and
heir-apparent to the presidency,
was arrested in 1957 during hearings 
before the McClellan Committee. 
He was accused of hiring John
C. Cheasty, a New York lawyer,
to join the committee's staff and
furnish Hoffa with confidential information 
from the committee's
files.
Cheasty informed the committee
and worked with the FBI to trap
Hoffa, who was alleged to have paid
Hoffa $3,000.
Hoffa was acquitted by a federal
jury of six colored and six white
persons. His defense was that he
had hired Cheasty only as a lawyer 
and did not know that he was
later hired by the committee.
During the trial, Hoffa had Joe,
Louis, the ex-heavyweight boxing
champion, to come to Washington,
attende the trial and shake hands
with him before the jury. A person 
would have to be naive not to
believe that this bit of melodramatics 
was not staged to influence
the jury.
Hoffa was asked what had he
to say about the testimony that a
colored over-the-road driver had
been refused membership in Local
299, Detroit, of which Hoffa was
president.
The colored man testified before
the McClellan Committee that fie
had attempted to haul steel into
the Detroit area, that he was rejected 
for membership in Hoffa's
local, that he got membership in
a local Youngstown, Ohio and began 
hauling steel, but, because of
union discrimination, he could not
get return cargoes and eventually
became a bankrupt.
Hoffa vigorously denied that
there had been any discrimination
by his local and charged that the
testimony had been given because
of bias against him.
The only Teamster's local he has
found practicing segregation, Hoffa
said, was in Tampa, Fla, and that
the local would stop it or lose its
charter.
He told a story of going in Louisiana 
to attempt to organize Standard 
Oil workers at Baton Rouge.
Charging discrimination against
himself, he said in New Orleans he
was unable to get a hotel room until 
a reservation was made in another 
name.
On the motor trip from New Orleans 
to Baton Rouge; he charged,
Louisiana state patrolmen lined the
route to see that he did not leave
it.
In Baton Rouge, he was refused
use of an old hangar for a meeting. 
He was told that the metal
hangar might catch on fire. A minister 
canceled use of his Church
because of pressures Finally, John
L. Lewis, president of the United
Mine Workers, came to his rescue
and permitted him to hold his
meeting in the UMW hall.
The hall seated only 500. Outside
there was a crowd of 4,000 listening
to Hoffa's speech over loudspeakers. 
Inside, Hoffa said, Standard

Oil had placed its stooges and
goons taking up 200 of the 500
front seats.
The stooges and goons had plantid 
questions. Some of them, Hoffa
said, were too dumb to memorize
he questions and had to stand up
and read them.
While he was speaking, one of
his aides told him he was on the
air. Microphones and cameras had
been placed in the hall, without
his knowledge, and his meeting with
his union members was being telecast 
into Baton Rouge homes.
Then the $64 question: "What do
yon think of racial segregation?"
Hoffa said he could see a riot
starting, But he decided to answer
the question. He said he told them
what he would have said in Washington, 
New York or Detroit —
that he would tolerate no segregation 
in Teamster locals.
The Teamsters lost the election.
As a result, if a strike occurs, the
colored employees of Standard Oil
would become strikebreakers and
take over the jobs of white workers. 
"That serves them right," Hoffa 
said.
Hoffa is accused of corruption
and association with racketeers. The
AFL-CIO expelled the Teamsters.
Hoffa was elected president, by a
2-to-1 margin over the combined
vote of his two opponents, to succeed 
Dave Beck, retiring president.
Senator John L. McClellan of
Arkansas warned that repressive
legislation would follow. In 1959
Congress passed the Landrum-Griffin 
Labor - Management Reporting
and Disclosures Act, requiring publiC 
reports on elections, funds and
contracts.
Hoffa says this law puts labor,
into a straitjacket. He points to
the "hot cargo" provision.
oHtels and restaurants employ a
lot of colored help. Formerly, when
hotel and restaurant employees
struck, Hoffa could end the strike
by having his drivers to refuse to
cross picket lines to make deliveries.
Under the "hot cargo" provision
of the Landrum-Griffin law, Hoffa
said, this is no longer possible. The
"hot cargo" must be delivered.
The story of Hoffa, is plausible
and impressive. As between him and
McClellan, Hoffa should have the
benefit of the doubt McClellan is
a racist, Hoffa is not.

THE DEFENSE

Dr. Clark A. Chester, secretary of
the Home and Foreign Missions
Board of the AME Church, screenid 
a motion picture and some slides
tie made, showing activities of his
department in Africa. The screening 
was in the board room of the
teamsters Building here.
After the screening, Luther White,
a public relations man of Cleveland, 
Ohio, introduced Hoffa, a
small but tough labor unionist who
rose from a warehouse to the presidency 
of one of the most powerful 
independent international unions 
in the country.
Hoffa defended the reputation Of
his union and his conduct of its
affairs, lambasted the press, and
Senator John L. McClellan of Arkansas, 
and even took a shot at his
own lawyers because they had been
unwilling to sign a document impeaching 
a judge.
He gave himself a clean bill of
health on the matter of racial discrimination 
and opened himself up
to qeustioning.
I had an opposite impression of
Hoffa — that he had lent himself
to racial discrimination. Then there
were other things about which I
had reservations.
For instance, Hoffa, while vice
president of the Teamsters and
heir-apparent to the presidency,
was arrested in 1957 during hearings 
before the McClellan Committee. 
He was accused of hiring John
C. Cheasty, a New York lawyer,
to join the committee's staff and
furnish Hoffa with confidential information 
from the committee's
files.
Cheasty informed the committee
and worked with the FBI to trap
Hoffa, who was alleged to have paid
Hoffa $3,000.
Hoffa was acquitted by a federal
jury of six colored and six white
persons. His defense was that he
had hired Cheasty only as a lawyer 
and did not know that he was
later hired by the committee.
During the trial, Hoffa had Joe,
Louis, the ex-heavyweight boxing
champion, to come to Washington,
attende the trial and shake hands
with him before the jury. A person 
would have to be naive not to
believe that this bit of melodramatics 
was not staged to influence
the jury.
Hoffa was asked what had he
to say about the testimony that a
colored over-the-road driver had
been refused membership in Local
299, Detroit, of which Hoffa was
president.
The colored man testified before
the McClellan Committee that fie
had attempted to haul steel into
the Detroit area, that he was rejected 
for membership in Hoffa's
local, that he got membership in
a local Youngstown, Ohio and began 
hauling steel, but, because of
union discrimination, he could not
get return cargoes and eventually
became a bankrupt.
Hoffa vigorously denied that
there had been any discrimination
by his local and charged that the
testimony had been given because
of bias against him.
The only Teamster's local he has
found practicing segregation, Hoffa
said, was in Tampa, Fla, and that
the local would stop it or lose its
charter.
He told a story of going in Louisiana 
to attempt to organize Standard 
Oil workers at Baton Rouge.
Charging discrimination against
himself, he said in New Orleans he
was unable to get a hotel room until 
a reservation was made in another 
name.
On the motor trip from New Orleans 
to Baton Rouge; he charged,
Louisiana state patrolmen lined the
route to see that he did not leave
it.
In Baton Rouge, he was refused
use of an old hangar for a meeting. 
He was told that the metal
hangar might catch on fire. A minister 
canceled use of his Church
because of pressures Finally, John
L. Lewis, president of the United
Mine Workers, came to his rescue
and permitted him to hold his
meeting in the UMW hall.
The hall seated only 500. Outside
there was a crowd of 4,000 listening
to Hoffa's speech over loudspeakers. 
Inside, Hoffa said, Standard

Oil had placed its stooges and
goons taking up 200 of the 500
front seats.
The stooges and goons had plantid 
questions. Some of them, Hoffa
said, were too dumb to memorize
he questions and had to stand up
and read them.
While he was speaking, one of
his aides told him he was on the
air. Microphones and cameras had
been placed in the hall, without
his knowledge, and his meeting with
his union members was being telecast 
into Baton Rouge homes.
Then the $64 question: "What do
yon think of racial segregation?"
Hoffa said he could see a riot
starting, But he decided to answer
the question. He said he told them
what he would have said in Washington, 
New York or Detroit —
that he would tolerate no segregation 
in Teamster locals.
The Teamsters lost the election.
As a result, if a strike occurs, the
colored employees of Standard Oil
would become strikebreakers and
take over the jobs of white workers. 
"That serves them right," Hoffa 
said.
Hoffa is accused of corruption
and association with racketeers. The
AFL-CIO expelled the Teamsters.
Hoffa was elected president, by a
2-to-1 margin over the combined
vote of his two opponents, to succeed 
Dave Beck, retiring president.
Senator John L. McClellan of
Arkansas warned that repressive
legislation would follow. In 1959
Congress passed the Landrum-Griffin 
Labor - Management Reporting
and Disclosures Act, requiring publiC 
reports on elections, funds and
contracts.
Hoffa says this law puts labor,
into a straitjacket. He points to
the "hot cargo" provision.
oHtels and restaurants employ a
lot of colored help. Formerly, when
hotel and restaurant employees
struck, Hoffa could end the strike
by having his drivers to refuse to
cross picket lines to make deliveries.
Under the "hot cargo" provision
of the Landrum-Griffin law, Hoffa
said, this is no longer possible. The
"hot cargo" must be delivered.
The story of Hoffa, is plausible
and impressive. As between him and
McClellan, Hoffa should have the
benefit of the doubt McClellan is
a racist, Hoffa is not.

MEETING TELECAST

Dr. Clark A. Chester, secretary of
the Home and Foreign Missions
Board of the AME Church, screenid 
a motion picture and some slides
tie made, showing activities of his
department in Africa. The screening 
was in the board room of the
teamsters Building here.
After the screening, Luther White,
a public relations man of Cleveland, 
Ohio, introduced Hoffa, a
small but tough labor unionist who
rose from a warehouse to the presidency 
of one of the most powerful 
independent international unions 
in the country.
Hoffa defended the reputation Of
his union and his conduct of its
affairs, lambasted the press, and
Senator John L. McClellan of Arkansas, 
and even took a shot at his
own lawyers because they had been
unwilling to sign a document impeaching 
a judge.
He gave himself a clean bill of
health on the matter of racial discrimination 
and opened himself up
to qeustioning.
I had an opposite impression of
Hoffa — that he had lent himself
to racial discrimination. Then there
were other things about which I
had reservations.
For instance, Hoffa, while vice
president of the Teamsters and
heir-apparent to the presidency,
was arrested in 1957 during hearings 
before the McClellan Committee. 
He was accused of hiring John
C. Cheasty, a New York lawyer,
to join the committee's staff and
furnish Hoffa with confidential information 
from the committee's
files.
Cheasty informed the committee
and worked with the FBI to trap
Hoffa, who was alleged to have paid
Hoffa $3,000.
Hoffa was acquitted by a federal
jury of six colored and six white
persons. His defense was that he
had hired Cheasty only as a lawyer 
and did not know that he was
later hired by the committee.
During the trial, Hoffa had Joe,
Louis, the ex-heavyweight boxing
champion, to come to Washington,
attende the trial and shake hands
with him before the jury. A person 
would have to be naive not to
believe that this bit of melodramatics 
was not staged to influence
the jury.
Hoffa was asked what had he
to say about the testimony that a
colored over-the-road driver had
been refused membership in Local
299, Detroit, of which Hoffa was
president.
The colored man testified before
the McClellan Committee that fie
had attempted to haul steel into
the Detroit area, that he was rejected 
for membership in Hoffa's
local, that he got membership in
a local Youngstown, Ohio and began 
hauling steel, but, because of
union discrimination, he could not
get return cargoes and eventually
became a bankrupt.
Hoffa vigorously denied that
there had been any discrimination
by his local and charged that the
testimony had been given because
of bias against him.
The only Teamster's local he has
found practicing segregation, Hoffa
said, was in Tampa, Fla, and that
the local would stop it or lose its
charter.
He told a story of going in Louisiana 
to attempt to organize Standard 
Oil workers at Baton Rouge.
Charging discrimination against
himself, he said in New Orleans he
was unable to get a hotel room until 
a reservation was made in another 
name.
On the motor trip from New Orleans 
to Baton Rouge; he charged,
Louisiana state patrolmen lined the
route to see that he did not leave
it.
In Baton Rouge, he was refused
use of an old hangar for a meeting. 
He was told that the metal
hangar might catch on fire. A minister 
canceled use of his Church
because of pressures Finally, John
L. Lewis, president of the United
Mine Workers, came to his rescue
and permitted him to hold his
meeting in the UMW hall.
The hall seated only 500. Outside
there was a crowd of 4,000 listening
to Hoffa's speech over loudspeakers. 
Inside, Hoffa said, Standard

Oil had placed its stooges and
goons taking up 200 of the 500
front seats.
The stooges and goons had plantid 
questions. Some of them, Hoffa
said, were too dumb to memorize
he questions and had to stand up
and read them.
While he was speaking, one of
his aides told him he was on the
air. Microphones and cameras had
been placed in the hall, without
his knowledge, and his meeting with
his union members was being telecast 
into Baton Rouge homes.
Then the $64 question: "What do
yon think of racial segregation?"
Hoffa said he could see a riot
starting, But he decided to answer
the question. He said he told them
what he would have said in Washington, 
New York or Detroit —
that he would tolerate no segregation 
in Teamster locals.
The Teamsters lost the election.
As a result, if a strike occurs, the
colored employees of Standard Oil
would become strikebreakers and
take over the jobs of white workers. 
"That serves them right," Hoffa 
said.
Hoffa is accused of corruption
and association with racketeers. The
AFL-CIO expelled the Teamsters.
Hoffa was elected president, by a
2-to-1 margin over the combined
vote of his two opponents, to succeed 
Dave Beck, retiring president.
Senator John L. McClellan of
Arkansas warned that repressive
legislation would follow. In 1959
Congress passed the Landrum-Griffin 
Labor - Management Reporting
and Disclosures Act, requiring publiC 
reports on elections, funds and
contracts.
Hoffa says this law puts labor,
into a straitjacket. He points to
the "hot cargo" provision.
oHtels and restaurants employ a
lot of colored help. Formerly, when
hotel and restaurant employees
struck, Hoffa could end the strike
by having his drivers to refuse to
cross picket lines to make deliveries.
Under the "hot cargo" provision
of the Landrum-Griffin law, Hoffa
said, this is no longer possible. The
"hot cargo" must be delivered.
The story of Hoffa, is plausible
and impressive. As between him and
McClellan, Hoffa should have the
benefit of the doubt McClellan is
a racist, Hoffa is not.

Efforts Stepped

work on amendments Tuesday night
when he moved to strike out the
entire voting referee section of the
bill.
Ellender— a one-time filibuster
champion—refused to say how long
he would talk on his proposal. But
he indicated it might be all evening. 


Spiritual Thought
The merciful man doeth good to
his own soul: but he that is cruel
troubleth his own flesh. Proverbs
11:17

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