Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1957-07-24 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICA'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BE ALE — Ph. JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES Managing Editor MRS. ROSA BROWN BRACY Public Relations and Advertising ALYSON E. WISE Circulation Promotion SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00 — 6 Months $2.00 — 3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things It believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. Be It Said For The Republicans Every one who knows the history of world change and interchange did not expect so suddenly to happen upon that Utopia of fated fancy as promulgated in this current Civil Rights program. Like everything else, this movement had to have a beginning. Our country was founded upon reason and that patience which involves moderation justice and prayer. The founding fathers did not hope to attain at once what they planned upon a premise of years. We who enjoy the fruits of their prayers and patience have been conditioned for just such an emergency as the country is experiencing. The country's advent in earnest upon the principles upon which it was founded, might be roughly, stated with the beginning of agitation against slavery. While the country was not founded upon slave anticipation and the habitation of two races, it was early seen that upon this continent and its pattern, there could not be in the eyes of the law two classes of citizens and two distinct patterns upon one philosophy of government. Thusly, we had our Harriet Beecher Stowes, our Wendell Phillips and our Abraham Lincolns. Out of this emergency facing the destiny-of the young Republic, the Republican Party was born. It has stood firmly upon the foundation upon which it was established and through the long stretch of years, in addition to keeping the nation united, it has held the lamp of liberty out to the world: Today that party has given birth to and has sponsored the cause of uniting that philosophy upon which the nation was founded and had its being. It must be said, whether the full program of this administration goes through or not, we have at least had a President who fully realized the distance the nation had to go in order to coincide with the pattern of its foundation. If we do not see the early enactment of the Civil Rights bill, we soon shall see. We have seen in the unfolding of the arguments both for and against, that certainly that right will prevail and that this administration will not yield from the purpose and the prayer of the founding fathers. Thusly, we are encouraged. The shore is dimly seen and lest we enter the field of prophesy, we can say with one of those early spirits that beamed the Battle Hymn of the Republic, "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord." The Republicans in the senate have stood and are still standing solidly in support of President Eisenhower's Civil Rights program. Congratulations To The National Urban League And Automobile Workers The National Urban League has consistently reminded industry, labor and government of the necessity of broadening job opportunity for the nation's largest minority. It did so by emphasizing that with increased job opportunity, trained skills in engineering, science and technical crafts; the Negro could make a significant contribution to the wealth, growth and expansion of our economy. Through research, planning conferences, and statistical graphs, charts and guides made available to industry, the Urban League has stimulated interest in a virtual untapped labor supply whose only stimulus for profitable employment was a chance to work. At the same time the Urban League took cognizance of needs for better housing, parks, community planning, and better schools as on adjunct to unharnessing this labor force so that it might be utilized by industry. Now, the National Urban League has made a remarkable advance in awakening organized labor of its responsibility to better job opportunities by negotiating a pact with the United Automobile Workers to eliminate racial discrimination. The agreement, the first of its kind, was announced by Walter P. Reuther, UAW president and Theodore W. Kheel, president of the National Urban League. The agreement provides a regular machinery to deal with cases of discrimination in all industries in which the UAW have collective bargaining agreements. No thinking American would question upgrading a man on the basis of ability and skill. It would likewise be foolish- to allow color, race or national origin to guide whether or not a man is qualified to work. Thus the National Urban League and the United Automobile Workers are to be congratulated for this joint step to guarantee that wage differentials on the basis of race, creed or color be quickly ended and that no discrimination exists in the matter of promotions and transfer or by management at the hiring gate. These ugly practices which have been harmful to our country's economic growth ought be relics of a repudiated past. Judge Refuses To Free defendants was concerned, Judge Taylor observed: "It is not necessary to show two or more parties sat down and conspired ........ that's a question again for the jury." Judge Taylor emphasized that by refusing the dismissal plea, the court was not deciding the guilt or innocence of the defendants. He said it was merely the court's decision there was sufficient grounds provided by prosecution evidence to warrant a Jury decision. Judge Taylor dismissed defense arguments that the proceedings were improper, in violation of the constitutional rights of those charged. "The court," he said, referring to a previous ruling on the propriety of the proceedings, "was of the opinion then and is still of the opinion that the defense motions were not then and not now' well taken." He emphasized that the court was not deciding on the guilt or innocence of the defendants, but only that there was sufficient evidence to merit allowing the Jury to consider the case It is not necessary to show two or more parties sat down and con spired. That, can only be established by circumstantial evidence, which must be strong enough. "That's a question again for the Jury. The court is saying it is wholly a question for the Jury to decide if there is enough evidence to convict." Judge Taylor observed: "There is proof one or more defendants were submitted a restraining order and then went to the Anderson Board of Education," Where the injunction was discussed. He said there was proof to show that one or more of the defendants actually read the injunction, and On this basis held it was a question for the jury to determine whether all the defendants had notice of the injunction they are accused of violating: GUILT OR INNOCENCE defendants was concerned, Judge Taylor observed: "It is not necessary to show two or more parties sat down and conspired ........ that's a question again for the jury." Judge Taylor emphasized that by refusing the dismissal plea, the court was not deciding the guilt or innocence of the defendants. He said it was merely the court's decision there was sufficient grounds provided by prosecution evidence to warrant a Jury decision. Judge Taylor dismissed defense arguments that the proceedings were improper, in violation of the constitutional rights of those charged. "The court," he said, referring to a previous ruling on the propriety of the proceedings, "was of the opinion then and is still of the opinion that the defense motions were not then and not now' well taken." He emphasized that the court was not deciding on the guilt or innocence of the defendants, but only that there was sufficient evidence to merit allowing the Jury to consider the case It is not necessary to show two or more parties sat down and con spired. That, can only be established by circumstantial evidence, which must be strong enough. "That's a question again for the Jury. The court is saying it is wholly a question for the Jury to decide if there is enough evidence to convict." Judge Taylor observed: "There is proof one or more defendants were submitted a restraining order and then went to the Anderson Board of Education," Where the injunction was discussed. He said there was proof to show that one or more of the defendants actually read the injunction, and On this basis held it was a question for the jury to determine whether all the defendants had notice of the injunction they are accused of violating: NOT WELL TAKEN defendants was concerned, Judge Taylor observed: "It is not necessary to show two or more parties sat down and conspired ........ that's a question again for the jury." Judge Taylor emphasized that by refusing the dismissal plea, the court was not deciding the guilt or innocence of the defendants. He said it was merely the court's decision there was sufficient grounds provided by prosecution evidence to warrant a Jury decision. Judge Taylor dismissed defense arguments that the proceedings were improper, in violation of the constitutional rights of those charged. "The court," he said, referring to a previous ruling on the propriety of the proceedings, "was of the opinion then and is still of the opinion that the defense motions were not then and not now' well taken." He emphasized that the court was not deciding on the guilt or innocence of the defendants, but only that there was sufficient evidence to merit allowing the Jury to consider the case It is not necessary to show two or more parties sat down and con spired. That, can only be established by circumstantial evidence, which must be strong enough. "That's a question again for the Jury. The court is saying it is wholly a question for the Jury to decide if there is enough evidence to convict." Judge Taylor observed: "There is proof one or more defendants were submitted a restraining order and then went to the Anderson Board of Education," Where the injunction was discussed. He said there was proof to show that one or more of the defendants actually read the injunction, and On this basis held it was a question for the jury to determine whether all the defendants had notice of the injunction they are accused of violating: THE JUDGE ADDED: defendants was concerned, Judge Taylor observed: "It is not necessary to show two or more parties sat down and conspired ........ that's a question again for the jury." Judge Taylor emphasized that by refusing the dismissal plea, the court was not deciding the guilt or innocence of the defendants. He said it was merely the court's decision there was sufficient grounds provided by prosecution evidence to warrant a Jury decision. Judge Taylor dismissed defense arguments that the proceedings were improper, in violation of the constitutional rights of those charged. "The court," he said, referring to a previous ruling on the propriety of the proceedings, "was of the opinion then and is still of the opinion that the defense motions were not then and not now' well taken." He emphasized that the court was not deciding on the guilt or innocence of the defendants, but only that there was sufficient evidence to merit allowing the Jury to consider the case It is not necessary to show two or more parties sat down and con spired. That, can only be established by circumstantial evidence, which must be strong enough. "That's a question again for the Jury. The court is saying it is wholly a question for the Jury to decide if there is enough evidence to convict." Judge Taylor observed: "There is proof one or more defendants were submitted a restraining order and then went to the Anderson Board of Education," Where the injunction was discussed. He said there was proof to show that one or more of the defendants actually read the injunction, and On this basis held it was a question for the jury to determine whether all the defendants had notice of the injunction they are accused of violating: Four Memphians Universal Life Insurance. Phases of prospecting and agent recruitment were studied. Principles were taught and methods stressed not only to improve agency management, but also to equip executives to better train their sales forces. In addition to two weeks at Tennessee State, the course requires each executive to complete satisfactorily three special projects in his district. The faculty included L. J. Gunn, CLU, institute dean and district manager. Atlanta Life, Nashville. Tenn.; H. A. Caldwell, educational director, Universal Life, Memphis, Tenn.; C. O. Hollis, CLU, assistant agency director, Pilgrim Health and Life, Augusta. Ga.; Lonzie L. Jones, assistant agencies superintendent. Golden State Mutual, Los Angeles, Calif., William F. Savoy, education al director. Supreme Liberty, Chicago. Illinois. Murray J. Marvin, NIA executive director, Chicago; Illinois directed the institute. SEEING and SAYING BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor — Atlanta Daily World. when the national spotlight is focused on a few greedy and corrupt labor leaders, there is a cry and howl to cut down the whole tree of organized workers. However, good counsel warns against such tommyrot, especially since America owes much of its industrial and organizational greatness to the "man with the hoe." The great debate over Civil Rights in Washington today is the result of considerable pressure exerted by organized groups including labor. Interestingly enough these gentlemen of the skills didn't just luck upon an interest in the plight of Negroes. Back, in their labor councils, they told their story. It was not a case of meddling by outsiders. These labor representatives, or public relations men, were sent in to observe American democracy at work, sometimes at is worst. Labor has long concluded that the strong giant South is still sick with prejudice and poverty. In order that all America might be strong and invulnerable against any inspired enemy, labor nows that democracy must be strengthened in Mississippi and Alabama. The alternative is weakness and failure of American rights and privileges in New York, Michigan, Illinois and California. Labor Has Real Stake In "Rights" BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor — Atlanta Daily World. when the national spotlight is focused on a few greedy and corrupt labor leaders, there is a cry and howl to cut down the whole tree of organized workers. However, good counsel warns against such tommyrot, especially since America owes much of its industrial and organizational greatness to the "man with the hoe." The great debate over Civil Rights in Washington today is the result of considerable pressure exerted by organized groups including labor. Interestingly enough these gentlemen of the skills didn't just luck upon an interest in the plight of Negroes. Back, in their labor councils, they told their story. It was not a case of meddling by outsiders. These labor representatives, or public relations men, were sent in to observe American democracy at work, sometimes at is worst. Labor has long concluded that the strong giant South is still sick with prejudice and poverty. In order that all America might be strong and invulnerable against any inspired enemy, labor nows that democracy must be strengthened in Mississippi and Alabama. The alternative is weakness and failure of American rights and privileges in New York, Michigan, Illinois and California. REVIEWING THE NEWS BY WILLIAM GORDON Not so long ago a young Negro lawyer stood before a judge in a large Southern town. It was a tense moment when he spoke; white and Negro alike, stood almost at attention listening to proceedings. "It will be left with the South," he said, "to take the low or the high road in granting full human rights to the Negro. Take the low road, and you will lose many of your best citizens, white and Negro. Much of the rabble will be left and a new crop of hate groups will emerge to haunt you." The attorney was pleading for the entrance of a young Negro into a Southern medical school. Even the judge did not overlook the fact that, perhaps, more than any other profession, medicine is one of the most crippled, the least considered, yet the need is most vast. The" South suffers miserably from the shortage of doctors and other specialists. So, instead of taking the initiative to improve conditions generally, the South has taken the low road. The net result has spilled over into international feelings. "We no longer want to talk with the segregationists," a newspaperman from Europe said recently. "We know their story from the Lucy case, and more recently, we are getting it from debates in the Senate on Civil Rights." In electing to take the low road, the South continues to cripple itself. It has permitted a group in "Louisiana to purge as many as 10,000 names, mostly Negroes from the qualified voters list. It has allowed people in 13 parishes to be challenged by members of the White Citizens Council. The South has permitted itself to sink so far into apathy, that in Alabama, the little town of Tuskegee is suffering from a boycott due to action by the legislature. So ingrained is the feeling of prejudice that whites are cutting away their own freedom in an effort to cripple Negroes. But the Negro is not the ultimate loser; it is the South that suffers and the nation also. The South suffers for lack of leadership. It has dropped to the level of groups like the National Association for the Preservation of the White Race, Inc.; The Southerners of Mobile, Alabama; Florida States Righters, and the Heritage Crusade of Gulfport, Miss. The nation suffers, because the South has become a millstone, a burden of stagnation, embarrassment and frustration that plagues it before the eyes of the free world. It's most unfortunate, but today, we are further away from the true ideals of the freedom we have fought several wars to preserve, all because the South has elected to take the low instead of the high road of reasoning. The South Takes The Low Road BY WILLIAM GORDON Not so long ago a young Negro lawyer stood before a judge in a large Southern town. It was a tense moment when he spoke; white and Negro alike, stood almost at attention listening to proceedings. "It will be left with the South," he said, "to take the low or the high road in granting full human rights to the Negro. Take the low road, and you will lose many of your best citizens, white and Negro. Much of the rabble will be left and a new crop of hate groups will emerge to haunt you." The attorney was pleading for the entrance of a young Negro into a Southern medical school. Even the judge did not overlook the fact that, perhaps, more than any other profession, medicine is one of the most crippled, the least considered, yet the need is most vast. The" South suffers miserably from the shortage of doctors and other specialists. So, instead of taking the initiative to improve conditions generally, the South has taken the low road. The net result has spilled over into international feelings. "We no longer want to talk with the segregationists," a newspaperman from Europe said recently. "We know their story from the Lucy case, and more recently, we are getting it from debates in the Senate on Civil Rights." In electing to take the low road, the South continues to cripple itself. It has permitted a group in "Louisiana to purge as many as 10,000 names, mostly Negroes from the qualified voters list. It has allowed people in 13 parishes to be challenged by members of the White Citizens Council. The South has permitted itself to sink so far into apathy, that in Alabama, the little town of Tuskegee is suffering from a boycott due to action by the legislature. So ingrained is the feeling of prejudice that whites are cutting away their own freedom in an effort to cripple Negroes. But the Negro is not the ultimate loser; it is the South that suffers and the nation also. The South suffers for lack of leadership. It has dropped to the level of groups like the National Association for the Preservation of the White Race, Inc.; The Southerners of Mobile, Alabama; Florida States Righters, and the Heritage Crusade of Gulfport, Miss. The nation suffers, because the South has become a millstone, a burden of stagnation, embarrassment and frustration that plagues it before the eyes of the free world. It's most unfortunate, but today, we are further away from the true ideals of the freedom we have fought several wars to preserve, all because the South has elected to take the low instead of the high road of reasoning. WISHING WELL Registered U. S. Patent Office. HERE is a pleasant little game that will give you a message every day. It is a numerical puzzle designed to spell out your fortune. Count the litters in your first name. If the number of letters is 6 or more, subtract 4. It the number is less than 6, add 3. The result is your key number. Start at the upper left-hand corner of the rectangle and check every one of your key numbers, left to right. Then read the message the letters under the checked figures give you. Senate Leader Sees port their amendment because I think we should get a good bill to protect voting rights of Negroes If we get protection of voting rights without a jury trial amendment we will have the kind of bill the president said he wanted." Whether a threatened filibuster lakes place against the bill will depend on the shape it in as it hears final passage. But Aiken said that if section III as eliminated. "we should have a bill in a surprising short time " MY WEEKLY SERMON REV. BLAIR T. HUNT pastor MISSISSIPPI BLVD. CHRISTIAN CHURCH MEMPHIS Growing is the business of a Christian. He is to wax strong in christian character, to advance in wisdom, and in favor with God and man. There is no stand-still in Christianity; it is either going forward or going backward. Going to perfection, going to heaven, is just like riding a bicycle ........... you must go or get off. There are some people whose names have been on the church roll 40 years and have not come to the communion table in years. Forty years old and have not cut a single missionary tooth! If you had a baby five years old that could not talk, you would want to know what was wrong with its speech. Yet we have babes in Christ, that cannot pray and are 50 years old; they cannot even say grace at the table. Something is wrong as sure as you hive. Now, if a baby does not grow, it may be it is not given the proper food. A babe in Christ is fed milk but after 40 years he needs the meat of the gospel. It takes time to grow. No where in God's word is it promised that the young Christian may become a spiritual Samson over night. The mushroom comes to perfection in a night, but there is not enough substance to it to fill a thimble. The oak tree, luxuriant in growth, strong in fiber, driving its roots to take hold of the rocks, comes to perfection by weathering a thousand storms, suggesting the process by which christians grow to perfection. Like the sculptor working patiently day by day upon a block of marble criticized by a friend who said "give me your mallet and chisel, I can finish this work in a day." But the sculptor only smiled as he continued his slow task and said, "that may be your way of making a statue, but it is not mine." Months afterward, in that same room, the sculptor unveiled a figure so beautiful until his friend bowed his head in recognition of the genius and untiring patience that could work such perfection. After we have patiently worked under God's direction and in the use of the means God has given, for a life time. He will reach down and lift from us the veil of humanity, and we shall stand pure and resplendent and perfect in his presence forever more. GROWING REV. BLAIR T. HUNT pastor MISSISSIPPI BLVD. CHRISTIAN CHURCH MEMPHIS Growing is the business of a Christian. He is to wax strong in christian character, to advance in wisdom, and in favor with God and man. There is no stand-still in Christianity; it is either going forward or going backward. Going to perfection, going to heaven, is just like riding a bicycle ........... you must go or get off. There are some people whose names have been on the church roll 40 years and have not come to the communion table in years. Forty years old and have not cut a single missionary tooth! If you had a baby five years old that could not talk, you would want to know what was wrong with its speech. Yet we have babes in Christ, that cannot pray and are 50 years old; they cannot even say grace at the table. Something is wrong as sure as you hive. Now, if a baby does not grow, it may be it is not given the proper food. A babe in Christ is fed milk but after 40 years he needs the meat of the gospel. It takes time to grow. No where in God's word is it promised that the young Christian may become a spiritual Samson over night. The mushroom comes to perfection in a night, but there is not enough substance to it to fill a thimble. The oak tree, luxuriant in growth, strong in fiber, driving its roots to take hold of the rocks, comes to perfection by weathering a thousand storms, suggesting the process by which christians grow to perfection. Like the sculptor working patiently day by day upon a block of marble criticized by a friend who said "give me your mallet and chisel, I can finish this work in a day." But the sculptor only smiled as he continued his slow task and said, "that may be your way of making a statue, but it is not mine." Months afterward, in that same room, the sculptor unveiled a figure so beautiful until his friend bowed his head in recognition of the genius and untiring patience that could work such perfection. After we have patiently worked under God's direction and in the use of the means God has given, for a life time. He will reach down and lift from us the veil of humanity, and we shall stand pure and resplendent and perfect in his presence forever more. GROW TO PERFECTION REV. BLAIR T. HUNT pastor MISSISSIPPI BLVD. CHRISTIAN CHURCH MEMPHIS Growing is the business of a Christian. He is to wax strong in christian character, to advance in wisdom, and in favor with God and man. There is no stand-still in Christianity; it is either going forward or going backward. Going to perfection, going to heaven, is just like riding a bicycle ........... you must go or get off. There are some people whose names have been on the church roll 40 years and have not come to the communion table in years. Forty years old and have not cut a single missionary tooth! If you had a baby five years old that could not talk, you would want to know what was wrong with its speech. Yet we have babes in Christ, that cannot pray and are 50 years old; they cannot even say grace at the table. Something is wrong as sure as you hive. Now, if a baby does not grow, it may be it is not given the proper food. A babe in Christ is fed milk but after 40 years he needs the meat of the gospel. It takes time to grow. No where in God's word is it promised that the young Christian may become a spiritual Samson over night. The mushroom comes to perfection in a night, but there is not enough substance to it to fill a thimble. The oak tree, luxuriant in growth, strong in fiber, driving its roots to take hold of the rocks, comes to perfection by weathering a thousand storms, suggesting the process by which christians grow to perfection. Like the sculptor working patiently day by day upon a block of marble criticized by a friend who said "give me your mallet and chisel, I can finish this work in a day." But the sculptor only smiled as he continued his slow task and said, "that may be your way of making a statue, but it is not mine." Months afterward, in that same room, the sculptor unveiled a figure so beautiful until his friend bowed his head in recognition of the genius and untiring patience that could work such perfection. After we have patiently worked under God's direction and in the use of the means God has given, for a life time. He will reach down and lift from us the veil of humanity, and we shall stand pure and resplendent and perfect in his presence forever more. Unjust Blows Dealt is ripe for a shakeup in both major parties. They say such a shakeup could usher the two party system into the South or maybe lead the way for a third party. Although the bill, if passed, would give a big push to the trend of more Negroes voting, the die is cast, and the pattern of increased Negro voting would continue despite the outcome of the present bill. Excluding the 11 solid South states, over half of the eligible Negro, voters in other states vote, according to spot surveys based on the 1950 census. The poor vote shows in Southern states are indicated in the statistics below com piled by the Southern Regional Council and based, on the 1950 census.: Opponents of the bill who shout it would allow the Administration to use "force" to protect civil rights, apparently ignore Section Two of the 14th Amendment which says that if a state denies any eligible voter his Constitutional rights to exercise the ballot, "except for parti cipation in rebellion, or other crimes." its representation in Congress will be decreased. This big stick has never been enforced- and students of the Constitution say it perhaps will never be used. Southern states have walked unmolested under this big stick with such revived devices, aimed at curbing voting, as white primaries, literacy tests and Grandfather Clauses. The existence of certain obstacles in the path of Negro voting does not, however, excuse the widespread voluntary non- voting among Negroes in the South. It is true that in instances where such obstacles are absent, there is still a lack in Negro voting. Despite their cries against the Civil Rights BUI and against the Supreme Court's ban on segregation in schools, Southern politicians cannot ignore the increased voting power of the Southern Negro find the vast potential voting power of Negroes in the nation. WOULD IGNORE LAW is ripe for a shakeup in both major parties. They say such a shakeup could usher the two party system into the South or maybe lead the way for a third party. Although the bill, if passed, would give a big push to the trend of more Negroes voting, the die is cast, and the pattern of increased Negro voting would continue despite the outcome of the present bill. Excluding the 11 solid South states, over half of the eligible Negro, voters in other states vote, according to spot surveys based on the 1950 census. The poor vote shows in Southern states are indicated in the statistics below com piled by the Southern Regional Council and based, on the 1950 census.: Opponents of the bill who shout it would allow the Administration to use "force" to protect civil rights, apparently ignore Section Two of the 14th Amendment which says that if a state denies any eligible voter his Constitutional rights to exercise the ballot, "except for parti cipation in rebellion, or other crimes." its representation in Congress will be decreased. This big stick has never been enforced- and students of the Constitution say it perhaps will never be used. Southern states have walked unmolested under this big stick with such revived devices, aimed at curbing voting, as white primaries, literacy tests and Grandfather Clauses. The existence of certain obstacles in the path of Negro voting does not, however, excuse the widespread voluntary non- voting among Negroes in the South. It is true that in instances where such obstacles are absent, there is still a lack in Negro voting. Despite their cries against the Civil Rights BUI and against the Supreme Court's ban on segregation in schools, Southern politicians cannot ignore the increased voting power of the Southern Negro find the vast potential voting power of Negroes in the nation. MEMPHIS WORLD Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 FEMALE HELP WANTED Haynes Elected James Church, Lonokey, Ark. He is a member of the Georgia Conference Board of Education. He is the author of THE NEGRO COMMUNITY WITHIN PROTESTANTISM, a book published by the Christopher Publishing House, Boston. He was a National Methodist scho larship student, 1947-1848. Dr. Haynes assumed his responsibilities as president of the college immediately after his election June 17th. He is married to the former Miss Lila Davenport, an instructor In French at Claflin College. They have three children: Leonard 3rd, Walter L, and Angelina Thelma. The Brass and the Blue © Copyright, 1956, by James Keene Reprinted by permission of Random House, Inc. [King Features Syndicate. MAY it please the court." Captain Temple Jocelyn said, rising, "Captain Kincaid's wound was received under the most peculiar circumstances, and Lieutenant Eastwood's action during the engagement leaves much to be desired, in the way of military conduct." General Sherman's gavel banged. "Captain, neither Captain Kincaid nor Lieutenant Eastwood is on trial at this time." Then Sherman turned to Eastwood. "Lieutenant," Sherman said, "are you aware that to properly clear this matter, the conduct of Captain Kincaid would have to be investigated? The matter before us is not Captain Schwa backer's unauthorized surgery on Captain Kincaid, but whether an officer's widow is going to receive a government pension. Do you deny that the obvious reason behind these charges is to insure that pension?" "No—No, sir. I don't deny it. Neither do I blame Mrs. Kincaid." "Then I think I can dispose of this matter expediently," Sherman said. "Lieutenant, I have no intention of instigating an Investigation of Captain Kincaid. The man is dead and beyond punishment. And I am not so heartless as to deprive a widow of her pension, however questionable it may be. Before me is the form, which requires my signature. Next to it is a letter of formal charges against Captain Schwabacker. If I affix my signature to the pension document, the charges must be dropped." Eastwood breathed with difficulty. Finally he said, "I—I agree to drop the charges, General." Sherman handed the document to General Harney. "Destroy this. It will be so entered in the record." He then placed his signature on the pension papers and Eastwood came forward for them. "Lieutenant, bear something in mind: I dislike pressure methods, and I dislike any officer who condones that type of action. That is why I've disposed of this case as I have. This is a small army, Mister. Your shirt tail is not without stain. We'll be watching you. Now get the devil out of my courtroom." Sherman had Brevet General Wessels called to the court next. Wessels entered, performed the usual military protocol, then sat down. "General Wessels," Sherman said, "you have made no formal charge against Captain Schwa backer, and before you do I would like to address a few re marks to the assembly." He cleared his throat, "In a cam paign it is rare that one officer contributes, largely to the sue cess of the engagement. When praise is distributed, one find that many step forward to re ceive the accolade, and all de serve such recognition. However it seems here that when success is viewed as a whole, fate has chosen Captain Schwa backer a a private instrument. "Captain Schwa backer, while a second lieutenant, successfully engaged the Cheyenne forces in an action at Ryndlee's road ranch. This engagement was not singular in itself, and did not assume importance until much later. Looking back, it is obvious that this was the Cheyennes' first baptism of fire from the army, and the defeat they suffered weakened their confidence. Such belief was substantiated in our talks with Spotted Tail yesterday. He said that the Sioux leader, Red Cloud, had assured the Cheyennes of his strong medicine, and that the army was weak. He also stated that this defeat, at the hands of an officer without previous combat experience, caused dissension among his men, and when he again attacked the army, he suffered additional losses at the hands of the same officer." Sherman paused to look at everyone present, "Gentlemen, and ladies, we also agree that if Captain Schwabacker had not ridden into the Cheyenne camp when he did, the Cheyennes would not be camped in peace at our gates today. Spotted Tail and Little Wound both have stated that Red Cloud was talking medicine and that many of their people were inclined to go along with him." Sherman smiled and it was fine to see. "However," he continued, "it seems that Captain Schwabacker's talents are not confined to the military; but embrace the political field as well. For nearly a year, we have been trying to enlist the press and public sympathy to our cause, and a just treatment of the Indians. Without shame I can say that we have failed, but Captain Schwabacker has not His interview was printed in many newspapers, and because of the attention aroused, we now have the authority to abandon Fort Philip Kearny and Fort C F. Smith if necessary to bring a just peace in this land." Schwabacker looked at the four generals arid saw four dedicated men, kind men who spoke of peace and meant it. This time, he knew, their names on the peace treaty would carry weight. He knew Spotted Tail would believe it too. "And so," General Sherman was saying, "I believe this court can adjourn with the recommendation that Captain Schwabacker be brevetted at the earliest possible convenience of His commanding officer, and extended our heartfelt thanks for service well rendered." Sherman's gavel rapped once. "This court is adjourned. I could use a cup of coffee." Schwabacker turned to Temple Jocelyn, but Jocelyn smiled and pushed him toward Henrietta, who nearly knocked over a chair in her eagerness to embrace his Jim Bridger came up while he still held her, a smile behind his thick whiskers. He offered a gnarled hand. "Been wan tin to make your acquaintance, Capt'n, but it seems that every time some dol goned business coma up an' I never got th' chance." "You're a living legend," Schwabacker said softly. "It's an honor." "Figured it th' other way," Bridger said. "You done made a few legends of your own." The four dignified generals filed past, each offering Captain Schwabacker a brief handshake. The room emptied like a slowly draining bowl. Through the open door Schwabacker could see Sergeant Sean Finnegan waiting with an enlisted man's courtesy. Doctor Gustave Schwabacker came up then, hesitatingly. He said, "All your life I've given you advice, son. But I can see now that you were better off without it. Can you advise me now? Can you show me the way to say," "There's nothing to say," Schwabacker cut in. He didn't want his father to apologize. And he didn't want to explain either; he didn't think he had to. He saw his father in a completely different light—not a big man, not God, but just another man, a little confused, a little uncertain now that he was removed from the accustomed security of his narrow treadmill. And with this shrinking stature came a deep affection. He put his arm around his father's, shoulders—a thing he had never done before—and found, that he was taller than his father. Schwabacker said, "It's all right, sir." His smile was an added assurance. "What are you going to donow?" Henrietta said. "If you return to Kearny, I'm coming with you. Emil, we'll never be apart again." "I don't think I'll return to Kearny," he said. 'Tm going to request a year's leave of absence and go back East, It'll take me three months to bone up on my medical studies, then seven more months and I'll graduate. I want to be a doctor, Henrietta. I'll make a good doctor." A frown crossed her forehead. "You're giving up the army?" "No," he sold. "I love the army. But I want to be a military surgeon. There's work here, my kind of work. It's where I belong, with men like Jocelyn and Finnegan." He looked at her. "Do you mind?" "I'll never complain," she said. "Never, Emil." Impatience was upon him then. "I'll have to tell Jocelyn, and thank him for letting me command his troop." He stepped away from her but she took his arm and pulled him back. "He won't want you to thank him." Henrietta said softly. "Emil, you're the equal to any man on earth. From this day on every man in that troop will look around when Jocelyn gives a command and wonder if that's the way you would have given it There are no more ghosts to fight, Emil. The battle's over. "Yes," he said. "I guess it is." Then he took his father's arm, and his fiancee's, and together they walked out into the sun. CHAPTER 36 © Copyright, 1956, by James Keene Reprinted by permission of Random House, Inc. [King Features Syndicate. MAY it please the court." Captain Temple Jocelyn said, rising, "Captain Kincaid's wound was received under the most peculiar circumstances, and Lieutenant Eastwood's action during the engagement leaves much to be desired, in the way of military conduct." General Sherman's gavel banged. "Captain, neither Captain Kincaid nor Lieutenant Eastwood is on trial at this time." Then Sherman turned to Eastwood. "Lieutenant," Sherman said, "are you aware that to properly clear this matter, the conduct of Captain Kincaid would have to be investigated? The matter before us is not Captain Schwa backer's unauthorized surgery on Captain Kincaid, but whether an officer's widow is going to receive a government pension. Do you deny that the obvious reason behind these charges is to insure that pension?" "No—No, sir. I don't deny it. Neither do I blame Mrs. Kincaid." "Then I think I can dispose of this matter expediently," Sherman said. "Lieutenant, I have no intention of instigating an Investigation of Captain Kincaid. The man is dead and beyond punishment. And I am not so heartless as to deprive a widow of her pension, however questionable it may be. Before me is the form, which requires my signature. Next to it is a letter of formal charges against Captain Schwabacker. If I affix my signature to the pension document, the charges must be dropped." Eastwood breathed with difficulty. Finally he said, "I—I agree to drop the charges, General." Sherman handed the document to General Harney. "Destroy this. It will be so entered in the record." He then placed his signature on the pension papers and Eastwood came forward for them. "Lieutenant, bear something in mind: I dislike pressure methods, and I dislike any officer who condones that type of action. That is why I've disposed of this case as I have. This is a small army, Mister. Your shirt tail is not without stain. We'll be watching you. Now get the devil out of my courtroom." Sherman had Brevet General Wessels called to the court next. Wessels entered, performed the usual military protocol, then sat down. "General Wessels," Sherman said, "you have made no formal charge against Captain Schwa backer, and before you do I would like to address a few re marks to the assembly." He cleared his throat, "In a cam paign it is rare that one officer contributes, largely to the sue cess of the engagement. When praise is distributed, one find that many step forward to re ceive the accolade, and all de serve such recognition. However it seems here that when success is viewed as a whole, fate has chosen Captain Schwa backer a a private instrument. "Captain Schwa backer, while a second lieutenant, successfully engaged the Cheyenne forces in an action at Ryndlee's road ranch. This engagement was not singular in itself, and did not assume importance until much later. Looking back, it is obvious that this was the Cheyennes' first baptism of fire from the army, and the defeat they suffered weakened their confidence. Such belief was substantiated in our talks with Spotted Tail yesterday. He said that the Sioux leader, Red Cloud, had assured the Cheyennes of his strong medicine, and that the army was weak. He also stated that this defeat, at the hands of an officer without previous combat experience, caused dissension among his men, and when he again attacked the army, he suffered additional losses at the hands of the same officer." Sherman paused to look at everyone present, "Gentlemen, and ladies, we also agree that if Captain Schwabacker had not ridden into the Cheyenne camp when he did, the Cheyennes would not be camped in peace at our gates today. Spotted Tail and Little Wound both have stated that Red Cloud was talking medicine and that many of their people were inclined to go along with him." Sherman smiled and it was fine to see. "However," he continued, "it seems that Captain Schwabacker's talents are not confined to the military; but embrace the political field as well. For nearly a year, we have been trying to enlist the press and public sympathy to our cause, and a just treatment of the Indians. Without shame I can say that we have failed, but Captain Schwabacker has not His interview was printed in many newspapers, and because of the attention aroused, we now have the authority to abandon Fort Philip Kearny and Fort C F. Smith if necessary to bring a just peace in this land." Schwabacker looked at the four generals arid saw four dedicated men, kind men who spoke of peace and meant it. This time, he knew, their names on the peace treaty would carry weight. He knew Spotted Tail would believe it too. "And so," General Sherman was saying, "I believe this court can adjourn with the recommendation that Captain Schwabacker be brevetted at the earliest possible convenience of His commanding officer, and extended our heartfelt thanks for service well rendered." Sherman's gavel rapped once. "This court is adjourned. I could use a cup of coffee." Schwabacker turned to Temple Jocelyn, but Jocelyn smiled and pushed him toward Henrietta, who nearly knocked over a chair in her eagerness to embrace his Jim Bridger came up while he still held her, a smile behind his thick whiskers. He offered a gnarled hand. "Been wan tin to make your acquaintance, Capt'n, but it seems that every time some dol goned business coma up an' I never got th' chance." "You're a living legend," Schwabacker said softly. "It's an honor." "Figured it th' other way," Bridger said. "You done made a few legends of your own." The four dignified generals filed past, each offering Captain Schwabacker a brief handshake. The room emptied like a slowly draining bowl. Through the open door Schwabacker could see Sergeant Sean Finnegan waiting with an enlisted man's courtesy. Doctor Gustave Schwabacker came up then, hesitatingly. He said, "All your life I've given you advice, son. But I can see now that you were better off without it. Can you advise me now? Can you show me the way to say," "There's nothing to say," Schwabacker cut in. He didn't want his father to apologize. And he didn't want to explain either; he didn't think he had to. He saw his father in a completely different light—not a big man, not God, but just another man, a little confused, a little uncertain now that he was removed from the accustomed security of his narrow treadmill. And with this shrinking stature came a deep affection. He put his arm around his father's, shoulders—a thing he had never done before—and found, that he was taller than his father. Schwabacker said, "It's all right, sir." His smile was an added assurance. "What are you going to donow?" Henrietta said. "If you return to Kearny, I'm coming with you. Emil, we'll never be apart again." "I don't think I'll return to Kearny," he said. 'Tm going to request a year's leave of absence and go back East, It'll take me three months to bone up on my medical studies, then seven more months and I'll graduate. I want to be a doctor, Henrietta. I'll make a good doctor." A frown crossed her forehead. "You're giving up the army?" "No," he sold. "I love the army. But I want to be a military surgeon. There's work here, my kind of work. It's where I belong, with men like Jocelyn and Finnegan." He looked at her. "Do you mind?" "I'll never complain," she said. "Never, Emil." Impatience was upon him then. "I'll have to tell Jocelyn, and thank him for letting me command his troop." He stepped away from her but she took his arm and pulled him back. "He won't want you to thank him." Henrietta said softly. "Emil, you're the equal to any man on earth. From this day on every man in that troop will look around when Jocelyn gives a command and wonder if that's the way you would have given it There are no more ghosts to fight, Emil. The battle's over. "Yes," he said. "I guess it is." Then he took his father's arm, and his fiancee's, and together they walked out into the sun. Will Prevent GOP, Demo Coalition From Splitting Their action means that the showdown in the big controversy will come on a proposal to kill outright the disputed section which permits the Attorney General to obtain an injunction against violations of "general" rights including violations of school integration orders. The decision to drop plans for a compromise was taken to prevent the coalition of Republicans and Northern Democrats supporting the bill from falling apart. Senate GOP leader William F. Knowland announced that he would offer no amendment to the controversial section because, he said he had found no language agreeable to both political wings of the coalition or within his own GOP ranks. Knowland told an informal news conference: "There will be no substitute (to the disputed part three). We will let the vote come on the motion to meet the situation with language agreeable to civil rights supporters on either side of the aisle and from within." Similarly Sen. Hubert M. Humphrey (D) Minn., announced he would not offer a compromise he had devised on behalf of Northern Democrats. There had been signs throughout the day that the coalition was in danger of spliting over the compromise problem. Sen. Arthur V. Watkins (R) Utah, introduced as "my own idea" an amendment which specifically would deny the Attorney General any new authority to intervene in segregation cases except where there is a conspiracy to prevent integration and local authorities ask his aid. Watkins said the Amendment was "substantially" the same as the one he discussed with Knowland and Sen. Hubert H. Humphrey (D) Minn., Thursday night Watkins proposal was reported to have been Knowland at that time. Asked directly if he had Knowland's support for his alternative approach to the troublesome provision of the bill, Watkins said he Was acting entirely on his own. Knowland himself told a reporer that the Watkins approach did not represent his views nor, presumably, those of the administration. Senate Republicans discussed the controversial section at a party, conference. An informat said the discussion showed that a "few want to go all out for a strong bill, four or five don't care if there is any legislation and, in between, we had all shades of opinion." However, he said that it is generally realized. Republicans must get together if a bill is to be passed. TO PREVENT SPLIT Their action means that the showdown in the big controversy will come on a proposal to kill outright the disputed section which permits the Attorney General to obtain an injunction against violations of "general" rights including violations of school integration orders. The decision to drop plans for a compromise was taken to prevent the coalition of Republicans and Northern Democrats supporting the bill from falling apart. Senate GOP leader William F. Knowland announced that he would offer no amendment to the controversial section because, he said he had found no language agreeable to both political wings of the coalition or within his own GOP ranks. Knowland told an informal news conference: "There will be no substitute (to the disputed part three). We will let the vote come on the motion to meet the situation with language agreeable to civil rights supporters on either side of the aisle and from within." Similarly Sen. Hubert M. Humphrey (D) Minn., announced he would not offer a compromise he had devised on behalf of Northern Democrats. There had been signs throughout the day that the coalition was in danger of spliting over the compromise problem. Sen. Arthur V. Watkins (R) Utah, introduced as "my own idea" an amendment which specifically would deny the Attorney General any new authority to intervene in segregation cases except where there is a conspiracy to prevent integration and local authorities ask his aid. Watkins said the Amendment was "substantially" the same as the one he discussed with Knowland and Sen. Hubert H. Humphrey (D) Minn., Thursday night Watkins proposal was reported to have been Knowland at that time. Asked directly if he had Knowland's support for his alternative approach to the troublesome provision of the bill, Watkins said he Was acting entirely on his own. Knowland himself told a reporer that the Watkins approach did not represent his views nor, presumably, those of the administration. Senate Republicans discussed the controversial section at a party, conference. An informat said the discussion showed that a "few want to go all out for a strong bill, four or five don't care if there is any legislation and, in between, we had all shades of opinion." However, he said that it is generally realized. Republicans must get together if a bill is to be passed. WILL VOTE ON MOTION Their action means that the showdown in the big controversy will come on a proposal to kill outright the disputed section which permits the Attorney General to obtain an injunction against violations of "general" rights including violations of school integration orders. The decision to drop plans for a compromise was taken to prevent the coalition of Republicans and Northern Democrats supporting the bill from falling apart. Senate GOP leader William F. Knowland announced that he would offer no amendment to the controversial section because, he said he had found no language agreeable to both political wings of the coalition or within his own GOP ranks. Knowland told an informal news conference: "There will be no substitute (to the disputed part three). We will let the vote come on the motion to meet the situation with language agreeable to civil rights supporters on either side of the aisle and from within." Similarly Sen. Hubert M. Humphrey (D) Minn., announced he would not offer a compromise he had devised on behalf of Northern Democrats. There had been signs throughout the day that the coalition was in danger of spliting over the compromise problem. Sen. Arthur V. Watkins (R) Utah, introduced as "my own idea" an amendment which specifically would deny the Attorney General any new authority to intervene in segregation cases except where there is a conspiracy to prevent integration and local authorities ask his aid. Watkins said the Amendment was "substantially" the same as the one he discussed with Knowland and Sen. Hubert H. Humphrey (D) Minn., Thursday night Watkins proposal was reported to have been Knowland at that time. Asked directly if he had Knowland's support for his alternative approach to the troublesome provision of the bill, Watkins said he Was acting entirely on his own. Knowland himself told a reporer that the Watkins approach did not represent his views nor, presumably, those of the administration. Senate Republicans discussed the controversial section at a party, conference. An informat said the discussion showed that a "few want to go all out for a strong bill, four or five don't care if there is any legislation and, in between, we had all shades of opinion." However, he said that it is generally realized. Republicans must get together if a bill is to be passed. Civil Rights Group to secure compliance with the Supreme Court ruling," he declared. "Talk of bayonets and guns is inflamatory and not a real issue." Proposals to provide for jury trials in contempt proceedings in equity cases, Mr. Wilkins said, would definitely make the bill ineffective. "Traditional," he asserted, "such proceedings have been without Jury trial... There are on the books many laws which do not provide for jury trials in contempt cases. Courts have long had the right, to enforce their decrees in such cases. Some of the Senators who are protesting now have voted for such laws. The bill, he pointed out, has from the beginning been designed not only to protect the right to vote, but also to protect other constitutional rights, "It is a disortion to make believe now that it was ever intended to be confined to voting rights only," he said. Mr. Wilkins denied that Part III had been "sneaked" into the bill 'It was there from the first draft In 1956," he said, "its clear intent is and has always been to assist Negro citizens in securing constitutional right in addition to the right to vote. It was discussed at committee hearings and on the floor of the United States Atty. General, he charged.