Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1959-07-25 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICA'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspapers Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 564 BEALE — Phone JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn. as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES Managing Editor SMITH FLEMING Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00 — 6 Months $3.00 — 3 Months $1.25 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those thing against the interest of its readers. The NAACP At Its Fiftieth Milestone It is highly significant that so conservative a paper as The New York Times would take time out and give an editorial in commendation to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in the setting of its Fiftieth Anniversary celebration at its convocation in New York. The meeting held sessions at the Coliseum and is attracting wide attention. Two notables along with other celebrities have addressed the convention in the persons of Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota and Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller of New York. Another highlight of the celebration was the intensification of what was described as "the beginning of the end" of massive resistance to desegregation in the South. The New York Times had this to say: "The NAACP can be proud of its accomplishments and the Negroes of this country are deeply thankful for its existence. So can Americans of every color and race who know— even though they may not openly admit the full implication of their knowledge — that all men are created equal" and have "equal rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." It must be said to the credit of this invaluable organization,—and it should be a tribute to the pride of every American, it has insisted faith in the Constitution of the United States and at no time has ever gone beyond the framework of the cardinal principles imbedded in that powerful document. Among the significant statements mode at the recent New York meeting, we rank very high one made by the organization's Executive Secretary Roy Wilkins. In a speech at one of the principal sessions, he issued a warning to Democrats who hold two-thirds of the seats in the present Congress that unless some Civil Rights legislation is enacted, the Negro voters may increasingly turn to the Republican Party. This statement reaffirms the non-partisan position of the NAACP. This is as it should be. We have a strong conviction that in order to get the maximum benefit from the exercise of the franchise, the great mass of voters should be independent in voting. Office seekers should be supported on the basis of what they stand for rather than on the basis of a party label. The NAACP completes fifty years of useful service. It has made a laudable contribution to the support of the Democratic form of free government for all. It has demonstrated the full content of wisdom and justice in our Constitution, as well as the firm faith of the Negro group in the principles proclaimed at Liberty Hall in Philadelphia and rededicated at Gettysburg. Appeals order the school board to make plans for the admission of pupils on an integrated basis in the county elementary schools at the earliest practical day. In asking the Supreme Court to review the decision, the school board asserts that the Court of Appeals has stripped the District Court of its discretion. The Supreme Court is asked to take judicial notice of the "calamitous results." After the decision of Judge Hutcheson, the school board employed an expert to study the problem of desegregating the county public schools. The board now states that the "precipitate action" of the court of Appeals has "devitalized" the study. The school board points out that the Board of Supervisors, the governing body of the county, has refused to levy any taxes or appropriate any money for public schools for the year 1959-60. The supervisors also have refused even to pay the salary of the Superintendent of Schools. "Without money," the school board says, "public education comes to a stand still." The board adds that as the resuit of the action of the Court of Appeals in this case, there will be no public schools in Prince Edword County the fall. Unless this court reviews and reverses the case, there will probably be no public schools in the county for many years to come." The Supreme Court is asked whether it intended for the Dis trict Courts to have "broad discretion" in school desegregation cases. "If it did," the Prince Edward County board says. "The Court of Appeals was in error here and its action should be reversed. If it did not, the word 'deliberate' ha been removed from the phrase all deliberate speed.' The Southern States are entitled to know whether the Court requires that colored children be admilted to white schools immediately upon application. EMPLOYED AN EXPERT order the school board to make plans for the admission of pupils on an integrated basis in the county elementary schools at the earliest practical day. In asking the Supreme Court to review the decision, the school board asserts that the Court of Appeals has stripped the District Court of its discretion. The Supreme Court is asked to take judicial notice of the "calamitous results." After the decision of Judge Hutcheson, the school board employed an expert to study the problem of desegregating the county public schools. The board now states that the "precipitate action" of the court of Appeals has "devitalized" the study. The school board points out that the Board of Supervisors, the governing body of the county, has refused to levy any taxes or appropriate any money for public schools for the year 1959-60. The supervisors also have refused even to pay the salary of the Superintendent of Schools. "Without money," the school board says, "public education comes to a stand still." The board adds that as the resuit of the action of the Court of Appeals in this case, there will be no public schools in Prince Edword County the fall. Unless this court reviews and reverses the case, there will probably be no public schools in the county for many years to come." The Supreme Court is asked whether it intended for the Dis trict Courts to have "broad discretion" in school desegregation cases. "If it did," the Prince Edward County board says. "The Court of Appeals was in error here and its action should be reversed. If it did not, the word 'deliberate' ha been removed from the phrase all deliberate speed.' The Southern States are entitled to know whether the Court requires that colored children be admilted to white schools immediately upon application. WISHING WELL Registered U. S. Patent Office. HERE is a pleasant little game that will give you a message every day. It is a numerical puzzle designed to spell out your fortune. Count the litters in your first name. If the number of letters is 6 or more, subtract 4. It the number is less than 6, add 3. The result is your key number. Start at the upper left-hand corner of the rectangle and check every one of your key numbers, left to right. Then read the message the letters under the checked figures give you. Judge Dawkins forbidding them to do so. In his opinion also, Judge Dawkins virtually considered the commission a court of law. He did not say so directly, but dwell at length with the contention that the registrars would not be permitted to cross-examine complainants. He did not mention, however, that both Negro and whites were to testify at the hearing. By its very nature, the Civil Rights commission is not a court, although Judge Dawkins called its conduct of hearings, quasilegal." R has no enforcement powers and only make recommendations to the President and Congress. On one point, however, Judge Dawkins favored. He refused to go along with the plaintiffs contention that producing records as requested by the commission would subject them to criminal action by the state. He said the state law permitted them to submit records only upon order of a "competent court," and under the law, that body would have to resort to the federal court in order to force compliance. The ruling followed closely an attempt by Dixiecrat members of the Senate Judiciary subcommittee to kill a pending civil rights bill, affecting the life of the commission. The bill squeaked through the committee by a vote of 4-2. It is believed that not only will the court uphold the constitutionality of the commission, but Judge Dawkins' ruling will be thrown out. COMMISSION A "LAW COURT" forbidding them to do so. In his opinion also, Judge Dawkins virtually considered the commission a court of law. He did not say so directly, but dwell at length with the contention that the registrars would not be permitted to cross-examine complainants. He did not mention, however, that both Negro and whites were to testify at the hearing. By its very nature, the Civil Rights commission is not a court, although Judge Dawkins called its conduct of hearings, quasilegal." R has no enforcement powers and only make recommendations to the President and Congress. On one point, however, Judge Dawkins favored. He refused to go along with the plaintiffs contention that producing records as requested by the commission would subject them to criminal action by the state. He said the state law permitted them to submit records only upon order of a "competent court," and under the law, that body would have to resort to the federal court in order to force compliance. The ruling followed closely an attempt by Dixiecrat members of the Senate Judiciary subcommittee to kill a pending civil rights bill, affecting the life of the commission. The bill squeaked through the committee by a vote of 4-2. It is believed that not only will the court uphold the constitutionality of the commission, but Judge Dawkins' ruling will be thrown out. U. S. DISCRIMINATION Leadership Council civic and welfare, social and other organizations, including veteransand social groups." A standing committee was appointed by Chairman Charles Williams. Others who compose the committee on permanent organization are Mrs. Allura Stam Lee, Atty. Estes, Dr. Vasco Smith, Mrs. Lucille Price, and Frank Kilpatrick. At later meetings, President Gladney appointed Howard Jackson of Klondyke as parliamentarian and Atty. S. A. Wilbun as vicechairman of the committee. The second committee was named the screening committee, and Atty. Estes was appointed chairman with Mrs. Marjorie Ulen being selected is secretary. Other members named to the committee were Rev. H. C. Nabrint, Mrs. B. E. Callaway, James T. Walker, and Maceo Walker. The screening committee has conducted numerous interviews with candidates who seat election. Some seventy or more organizations have sanctioned the position that the support of candidates recommended by the Leadership Council will be vigorously supported in the election by the Negroes of Memphis, and that there will be no two political camps or splitting of votes. A Council spokesman pointed out that "a new area is born in the city of Memphis which is typified by the expression, "One For All and All For One." On July 21 at Mt. Olive Cathedral, a public meeting was held endorsing candidates who seek posts in the election. The candidates made their appearances and speeches concerning their platforms. Five minute pep talks were given at this meeting by persons representing various organiztions. Charles Williams spoke for the Masons, Mrs. Elizabeth Russell spoke for Eastern Star; Mrs. Marie Adams, Federation of Women's Clubs; Mrs. Allura Lee, beauticians Mrs. Marjorie Ullen, sororities; Dr. A. Maceo Walker. Shelby Country Democratic Club; J. A. Bradfield the barbers; Frank Kilpatrick., the Bluff City and Shelby Country Council of Civic Clubs; Mrs. Willa McWilliams Walter. Bluff City teachers; Atty. Estes, the veterans Dr. S. A. Owen, the Interdominational Ministerial Alliance; and Miss Lucille Price. Others appearing on the program were Atty. Wilbun. Rev. Gladney. Rev. W. L. Vernado, Mrs. Kaeen Irby and group, James Walker, Lt. George W. Lee. Rev. M. L. Freeman, and the candidates endorsed by the organization. JACKSON PARLIAMENTARIAN civic and welfare, social and other organizations, including veteransand social groups." A standing committee was appointed by Chairman Charles Williams. Others who compose the committee on permanent organization are Mrs. Allura Stam Lee, Atty. Estes, Dr. Vasco Smith, Mrs. Lucille Price, and Frank Kilpatrick. At later meetings, President Gladney appointed Howard Jackson of Klondyke as parliamentarian and Atty. S. A. Wilbun as vicechairman of the committee. The second committee was named the screening committee, and Atty. Estes was appointed chairman with Mrs. Marjorie Ulen being selected is secretary. Other members named to the committee were Rev. H. C. Nabrint, Mrs. B. E. Callaway, James T. Walker, and Maceo Walker. The screening committee has conducted numerous interviews with candidates who seat election. Some seventy or more organizations have sanctioned the position that the support of candidates recommended by the Leadership Council will be vigorously supported in the election by the Negroes of Memphis, and that there will be no two political camps or splitting of votes. A Council spokesman pointed out that "a new area is born in the city of Memphis which is typified by the expression, "One For All and All For One." On July 21 at Mt. Olive Cathedral, a public meeting was held endorsing candidates who seek posts in the election. The candidates made their appearances and speeches concerning their platforms. Five minute pep talks were given at this meeting by persons representing various organiztions. Charles Williams spoke for the Masons, Mrs. Elizabeth Russell spoke for Eastern Star; Mrs. Marie Adams, Federation of Women's Clubs; Mrs. Allura Lee, beauticians Mrs. Marjorie Ullen, sororities; Dr. A. Maceo Walker. Shelby Country Democratic Club; J. A. Bradfield the barbers; Frank Kilpatrick., the Bluff City and Shelby Country Council of Civic Clubs; Mrs. Willa McWilliams Walter. Bluff City teachers; Atty. Estes, the veterans Dr. S. A. Owen, the Interdominational Ministerial Alliance; and Miss Lucille Price. Others appearing on the program were Atty. Wilbun. Rev. Gladney. Rev. W. L. Vernado, Mrs. Kaeen Irby and group, James Walker, Lt. George W. Lee. Rev. M. L. Freeman, and the candidates endorsed by the organization. Payment Urged In South." (The commission's authority to investigate was limited by the 1957 Civil Rights Act to voting, and, in its latest move, the commission has been enjoined from proceeding with an investigation of the purge of colored voters in Northwest Louisiana by a Federal District Judge. (Unless extended by Congress, the life of the Commission is due to expire Sept. 9.) The resolution reiterated the position taken by the 1958 NAACP convention favoring amendment of the Senate filibustering rule by a majority of Senators present and voting. Under the existing rule, as amended in January, debate may now be shut, off by a two-thirds vote of Senators present and voting. Previously a two-thirds vote of the entire Senate membership was required. Congress was called upon to abolish the seniority system by which committee chairmen are selected. The resolution states that the seniority system had resulted in control of key committees by persons who lack a sense of fair play and who use their chairmanships to block civil rights and other desirable legislation. The resolution also asked for assurance that colored members of Congress will not have their seniority nullified When vacancies occur. Other resolutions called for the right to vote and home rule for bia and condemned the continuaresidents of the District of Columtion of racial discrimination in the Police Boys Club of the District. HIT FILIBUSTER RULE South." (The commission's authority to investigate was limited by the 1957 Civil Rights Act to voting, and, in its latest move, the commission has been enjoined from proceeding with an investigation of the purge of colored voters in Northwest Louisiana by a Federal District Judge. (Unless extended by Congress, the life of the Commission is due to expire Sept. 9.) The resolution reiterated the position taken by the 1958 NAACP convention favoring amendment of the Senate filibustering rule by a majority of Senators present and voting. Under the existing rule, as amended in January, debate may now be shut, off by a two-thirds vote of Senators present and voting. Previously a two-thirds vote of the entire Senate membership was required. Congress was called upon to abolish the seniority system by which committee chairmen are selected. The resolution states that the seniority system had resulted in control of key committees by persons who lack a sense of fair play and who use their chairmanships to block civil rights and other desirable legislation. The resolution also asked for assurance that colored members of Congress will not have their seniority nullified When vacancies occur. Other resolutions called for the right to vote and home rule for bia and condemned the continuaresidents of the District of Columtion of racial discrimination in the Police Boys Club of the District. International Matthews urged his audience to "take the lead in exploring the tremendous possibilities available in both the wild and cultivates flowers of these lands." He said the florists could thereby open the door "to help educate Americans to the culture" of these new nations. While encouraging the florists to expand their trend toward the unity and cooperation necessary to protect their own position "in a monopolistic world which threatens the survival of the independent operators," he also called upon them to use their influence in the attainment of important goals outside the world of business. He ridiculed the recent action of the school board in Charlottesville, Va., in which students in integrated schools were ordered separated by sexes. These and other gestures, the editor said, 'give evidence of how little confidence white people have in their own womanhood...that they take such fantastic precautions to prevent them from normal social contact with colored men. "This is the only logical conclusion to be garnered from these actions." Matthews continued, "because both white men and Negro women have always been free to associate both legally and illicitly as proved by the presence of so many mulattoes among us" He said the number of the latter has been "constantly increasing since the days of slavery." A new note has been added to this freedom, 'Matthews said, by the "opportunities opened to colored women in the fields of entertainment and other arts, Nearly every top-ranking colored star, like Lena Home, Dorothy Dandridge, Pearl aBiley, Mattlwilda Dobbs, Anne Brown and many others have white spouses Ever since the days of the slave cabin the masters fell in love with our beautiful women, but when the natural charms are enhanced with a five-figure pay check, they become positively irresistable." Instead of "wasting their resources in time-consuming legal battles," Mathews suggested, "the NAACP should round up thousands of pretty and talented girls, give them each a few thousand dollars, and white men will rush to marry them so fast that the race problem would be solved overnight." Touching briefly on the subject of "society" and the relationship to your fellow man," Matthews brought up the recent Forest Hills issue. "Miss Gibson should have refused to play at Forest Hills — our women have got to uphold our men," he declared. Affiliated with Negro journalism for 35 years, the outspoken Matthews has a number of firsts to his credit. He was the first correspondent assigned to cover a presidential election Special, touring the nation with Wilkie, Dewey and Eisenhower. Prior to this he served as foreign correspondent in Europe, Haiti, the Virgin Islands, Japan, Hawaii and Korea, where he had an opportunity to cover many historic events an meet on intimate terms, the world leaders of the present generator including kings, potentates and outstanding statesmen. He studied at Morgan college and Columbia University, and is at present member of the board of director of the National Negro Opera Company. He is married to Selma Matthews of the Broadway an European stage. Greater Interest In far from their own is another notable trait, he said. Mentioning the need for a permanent residence for African students centrally located in New York City. Father Donovan pointed out there will be a large increase in their numbers studying in this country in the very near future. Negro Is Named until recently Commissioner of Water Supply, Gas, and Electricity. Dumpson will be in command of approximately 8,000 employees, and the 49-year-old "little dynamo," a career social worker, will become supervisor of the annual expenditure of move than $300,000,000 in city, state and Federal funds to the needy. Mr. Dumpson, a specialist in the problems of underprivileged children, joined the department in 1955 as director of the bureau of child welfare. He became first deputy commissioner in 1957. He has been a social service worker since 1937, starting with private agencies in his native Philadelphia after a three-year stint as a public school teacher. He is married to the former Miss Goldie Brangnan, a nurse anesthetist at Harlem Hospital, and they have a 12-year-old daughter, Geraldine, and live in a new apartment in New York's new apartment in Park West village. NOT BY GUNS ALONE By E. M. Barker ©right; 1968 E. M. Barker; published by arrangement with Fund R. Raynolds & Son; distributed by King Features Syndicate. SLADE CONSIDINE wondered if Frenchy Quebedeaux would stand by and let the hanging go on without a word of protest. Under the spur of violent temper, Frenchy was capable of almost anything, but he had time to cool off now. It was questionable, however, whether, now that there had been some blows struck and some noses bloodied, Frenchy could stop the mob even if he wanted to do so. Anyhow Frenchy still seemed to be angry. He swung up to the back of his bay and watched coldly while one of the Mexicans tossed a rope over a strong limb ot a cottonwood and another adjusted the knot around the cowboy's nock. Slade, sitting helpless in the saddle with his hands bound tightly behind him and two strong natives holding his horse's head, felt a wave of despair sweep over him. He opened his lips, half intending to try reasoning with the slim, dark Mexican who seemed to be leader of the mob, then dosed them again without speaking. There was nothing he could say to them that would make any difference. It would only make them believe he was afraid to die. He turned to Frenchy. He wanted to tell the big sheepman that he knew now he had made another mistake in jumping to the obvious conclusion that Frenchy had butchered the T Anchor calf. These Mexicans had known about Frenchy's arrest too soon. Only the man who had left that calf in his cellar could have forewarned them. But the wanted to say it so it wouldn't sound like begging (or his life. Frenchy would have only contempt for a man he thought to be a coward. "If you go through with this, Frenchy, you will be making as big a mistake as I did," he warned quietly. "Whoever planted that calf in your cellar wasn't just trying to make trouble for me. You will be"— "Shut op!" the slim leader of the gang said angrily, and slashed a quirt viciously across his unprotected face. Frenchy didn't seem to see or hear. He was watching Bacho, his sheepherder, with a queer intent look on his dark face. Bacho was off the little mule, stumbling around in a seeming half-drunken stupor. Slade met his eyes, and the herder smiled fleetingly, then kicked at a mound that looked to be a bit of protruding cottonwood root. The air was suddenly filled with an angry h-m-m-m-ing, z-z-z-zing sound. Bacho slapped at his cheek and gave another vicious kick into the brownish clump The next instant saw plenty of action as the Mexicans began fanning the air desperately with their hats. One of the wasps smacked viciously onto Slade's cheek. He ducked his head against his shoulder, wondering with a curious resignation haw long it would be before one of them stung his horse. The rope was tied at both ends now. The necktie party wasn't going to come off exactly according to schedule. Nobody was going to enjoy it much, but it looked like they were going to get the job done anyhow. He ducked his head against the furious onslaught of the wasps, and so did not see Frenchy suddenly spur his bay in close. But the next moment he did feel a knife slash the rope at his neck, then the one that bound his wrists. Frenchy picked up the reins and handed them to him. "Thees way—queeck!" he said quietly. A moment ago Slade had counted himself a dead man, yet now he was tree as easy as that Nobody protested his going. The Mexicans were busy taking care of their own troubles. Batting desperately at the vicious little wasps, they scattered in as many directions as there were menlynch fever, for the moment, completely forgotten in the excitement. Slade kicked spurs to the sorrel and followed Frenchy's lead. A quarter of a mile away, at the edge of New Town, they pulled up. Slade's face was smarting in half a dozen places where the wasps had stung him, and he saw Frenchy put up a hand and rub his own cheeks gingerly. "Where now?" the Frenchman asked quietly, "To the jail—or home?" There was the hint of a twinkle in his black eyes. Slade answered with a grin that was more than a little sheepish. "Home," he said. "And you can take it has a promise, Frenchy, that when I do get a, candidate for that jail, I'm danged sure now it won't be you!" Frenchy hesitated before turning his horse. "Because you theenk maybe I save your life?" he asked soberly. "Because you theenk you are—how you say it? —in my debt?" "Hell, no!" Slade said with such emphasis that a smile broke over Frenchy's face. "I know now that you never, butchered that calf!" He flushed, and hesitated for a moment, embarrassed at how often he seemed to be owing this big, gruff Frenchman an apology. "I'm new at this lawing business. I made a mistake and I'm sorry. Next time I won't be quits so quick to believe the earliest answer is the right one," Frenchy put out his hand. "We forget it" he said kindly. "Somelines — like today — when I'm mad, I also make the meeatakes!" "In the morning," Slade promised, "I'm going back where I found that calf and check tracks more carefully. Maybe I can learn something." A troubled look came over, the Frenchman's face. "I theenk I—" he began slowly, then checked himself abruptly. "But notheeng!" he said in answer to the look of inquiry on the cowboy's face. As the guitars and fiddles started up again, Martha Kilgore took another quick, surreptitious glance at the watch she wore on a long gold chain, tucked into the waist band of her dress. It was nearly eleven-thirty. After this next dance, considering that they had a ten-mile ride ahead of them, she could, ask Wynn Thomason to take her home. She was tired of pretending she was having a good time, although at first it had been fun. There was a strange, foreign world air that had delighted her about this dimly lighted, lowceilinged room, with its crowd of dark-skinned, shyly friendly people who smiled and spoke to her in liquid Spanish, of which she understood not a word. The women, many of them with babies in their arms and small children at their knees, sat on benches along the two long sides of the room. The men clustered in gangs around the windows and door. Everybody, including blackshawled grandmothers and spindle-legged children, danced, but they seemed to make a serious business of it. They whirled and skipped to the fast-thumping guitars, with grave, almost wooden faces, holding their partners at arm's length, and it seemed to be a breach of etiquette to talk while dancing. Martha pushed a wave of hair back from her damp forehead. Her head ached. There weren't enough windows in the room and the air was heavy with tobacco smoke. But not even to herself would she admit the real reason why the evening; bad lost its savor for har. The reason, of course, was that Slade Considine bad not kept his promise to meet her at the dance. CHAPTER 16 By E. M. Barker ©right; 1968 E. M. Barker; published by arrangement with Fund R. Raynolds & Son; distributed by King Features Syndicate. SLADE CONSIDINE wondered if Frenchy Quebedeaux would stand by and let the hanging go on without a word of protest. Under the spur of violent temper, Frenchy was capable of almost anything, but he had time to cool off now. It was questionable, however, whether, now that there had been some blows struck and some noses bloodied, Frenchy could stop the mob even if he wanted to do so. Anyhow Frenchy still seemed to be angry. He swung up to the back of his bay and watched coldly while one of the Mexicans tossed a rope over a strong limb ot a cottonwood and another adjusted the knot around the cowboy's nock. Slade, sitting helpless in the saddle with his hands bound tightly behind him and two strong natives holding his horse's head, felt a wave of despair sweep over him. He opened his lips, half intending to try reasoning with the slim, dark Mexican who seemed to be leader of the mob, then dosed them again without speaking. There was nothing he could say to them that would make any difference. It would only make them believe he was afraid to die. He turned to Frenchy. He wanted to tell the big sheepman that he knew now he had made another mistake in jumping to the obvious conclusion that Frenchy had butchered the T Anchor calf. These Mexicans had known about Frenchy's arrest too soon. Only the man who had left that calf in his cellar could have forewarned them. But the wanted to say it so it wouldn't sound like begging (or his life. Frenchy would have only contempt for a man he thought to be a coward. "If you go through with this, Frenchy, you will be making as big a mistake as I did," he warned quietly. "Whoever planted that calf in your cellar wasn't just trying to make trouble for me. You will be"— "Shut op!" the slim leader of the gang said angrily, and slashed a quirt viciously across his unprotected face. Frenchy didn't seem to see or hear. He was watching Bacho, his sheepherder, with a queer intent look on his dark face. Bacho was off the little mule, stumbling around in a seeming half-drunken stupor. Slade met his eyes, and the herder smiled fleetingly, then kicked at a mound that looked to be a bit of protruding cottonwood root. The air was suddenly filled with an angry h-m-m-m-ing, z-z-z-zing sound. Bacho slapped at his cheek and gave another vicious kick into the brownish clump The next instant saw plenty of action as the Mexicans began fanning the air desperately with their hats. One of the wasps smacked viciously onto Slade's cheek. He ducked his head against his shoulder, wondering with a curious resignation haw long it would be before one of them stung his horse. The rope was tied at both ends now. The necktie party wasn't going to come off exactly according to schedule. Nobody was going to enjoy it much, but it looked like they were going to get the job done anyhow. He ducked his head against the furious onslaught of the wasps, and so did not see Frenchy suddenly spur his bay in close. But the next moment he did feel a knife slash the rope at his neck, then the one that bound his wrists. Frenchy picked up the reins and handed them to him. "Thees way—queeck!" he said quietly. A moment ago Slade had counted himself a dead man, yet now he was tree as easy as that Nobody protested his going. The Mexicans were busy taking care of their own troubles. Batting desperately at the vicious little wasps, they scattered in as many directions as there were menlynch fever, for the moment, completely forgotten in the excitement. Slade kicked spurs to the sorrel and followed Frenchy's lead. A quarter of a mile away, at the edge of New Town, they pulled up. Slade's face was smarting in half a dozen places where the wasps had stung him, and he saw Frenchy put up a hand and rub his own cheeks gingerly. "Where now?" the Frenchman asked quietly, "To the jail—or home?" There was the hint of a twinkle in his black eyes. Slade answered with a grin that was more than a little sheepish. "Home," he said. "And you can take it has a promise, Frenchy, that when I do get a, candidate for that jail, I'm danged sure now it won't be you!" Frenchy hesitated before turning his horse. "Because you theenk maybe I save your life?" he asked soberly. "Because you theenk you are—how you say it? —in my debt?" "Hell, no!" Slade said with such emphasis that a smile broke over Frenchy's face. "I know now that you never, butchered that calf!" He flushed, and hesitated for a moment, embarrassed at how often he seemed to be owing this big, gruff Frenchman an apology. "I'm new at this lawing business. I made a mistake and I'm sorry. Next time I won't be quits so quick to believe the earliest answer is the right one," Frenchy put out his hand. "We forget it" he said kindly. "Somelines — like today — when I'm mad, I also make the meeatakes!" "In the morning," Slade promised, "I'm going back where I found that calf and check tracks more carefully. Maybe I can learn something." A troubled look came over, the Frenchman's face. "I theenk I—" he began slowly, then checked himself abruptly. "But notheeng!" he said in answer to the look of inquiry on the cowboy's face. As the guitars and fiddles started up again, Martha Kilgore took another quick, surreptitious glance at the watch she wore on a long gold chain, tucked into the waist band of her dress. It was nearly eleven-thirty. After this next dance, considering that they had a ten-mile ride ahead of them, she could, ask Wynn Thomason to take her home. She was tired of pretending she was having a good time, although at first it had been fun. There was a strange, foreign world air that had delighted her about this dimly lighted, lowceilinged room, with its crowd of dark-skinned, shyly friendly people who smiled and spoke to her in liquid Spanish, of which she understood not a word. The women, many of them with babies in their arms and small children at their knees, sat on benches along the two long sides of the room. The men clustered in gangs around the windows and door. Everybody, including blackshawled grandmothers and spindle-legged children, danced, but they seemed to make a serious business of it. They whirled and skipped to the fast-thumping guitars, with grave, almost wooden faces, holding their partners at arm's length, and it seemed to be a breach of etiquette to talk while dancing. Martha pushed a wave of hair back from her damp forehead. Her head ached. There weren't enough windows in the room and the air was heavy with tobacco smoke. But not even to herself would she admit the real reason why the evening; bad lost its savor for har. The reason, of course, was that Slade Considine bad not kept his promise to meet her at the dance. SEES NO EASY END TO STEEL STRIKE— Joseph P. Finnegan (top, right), director of the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, shakes hands in New York with David J. McDonald, president of the United Steel workers or America. Finnegan, who arrived from Washington on persona orders from President Eisenhower, also conferred with R. Conrad Cooper (bottom, left), chief negotiator for the steel industry. The mediator said he could see "no easy or early solution" of the nationwide strike by 500,000 workers. A lone picket walks his post al the United States Steel plant in Los Angeles (bottom, right) while in Homestead, Pa., Ellen Smalley (top) takes her father's place in the picket line after she had delivered lunch to him. Southern Opposition Loses A Second Time On Rights The House Judiciary Committee beat down Southern opposition Wednesday and approved an administration proposal which would make it a federal crime to obstruct court-ordered school desegregation. The proposed crackdown on obstruction of such court orders by force or threat is the first provision in an eight-point administration-backed civil rights bill now pending before the committee. The committee put its stamp of approval on the controversial measure in an informal vote. It is designed to prevent recurrence of mob violence such as occurred when central High School in Little Rock, Ark., was ordered to desegregate in the fall of 1957. At the same time, the committee sharply reduced the penalties recommended by the administration in such cases. It voted for maximum penalties of $1,000 in fines and 60 days in jail instead of $10,000 and two years in prison. Southern congressmen, who con stitute about one-third of the committee's membership, tried without success to water down the legislation by making it apply to all court orders. The committee, headed by Rep. Emanuel Celler D. - N. Y., originally had hoped to wind up its closed door sessions on the civil rights bill this week. But further sessions were postponed until nest Tuesday when Cellar suffered an ankle injury. Celler had complained Tuesday that "progress was slow" on the bill because of the "numerous amendments from opponents," Meantime, Southerners served notice they would attempt next week to broaden a section in the bill which would make it a federal crime to cross state lines to escape prosecution for bombing "any building, structure, facilities or vehicle" used for religious or educational purposes. Southern members said they would offer an amendment extending the provision to bombing of any building or structure. This could cover bombings in labor disputes or any other case. EXILEE VISITS GHANA, GUINEA Felix Moumie, exiled leader of the banned Cameroons Peoples union in the French Cameroons, recently paid a week-long visit to Ghana and Guinea. MEMPHIS WORLD Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 REPAIR SERVICE REMODEL-REP AIR-PAINT ADD-A-ROOM BUSINESS WOMEN — SELL NEWSBOYS WANTED GET YOUR VITAMINS REPAIRS HELP WANTED — FEMALE HELP WANTED MALE — FEMALE HOMES FOR SALE FOR SALE 48-INCH ATTIC FAN FOR SALE HOUSEHOLD GOODS FOR SALE FOR SALE FOR SALE FOR SALE — Also — Piano Tuning and Repairs 1726 Lamar BR 2-2862 CAFE FOR SALE "The Exposition is designed to tell the story of Africa through the ages under various theme headings. Original background paintings, recapturing the past and depicing the present, will be displayed. In addition to the exhibit of African development and the contributions made to the world's culture by the people of African heritage, a series of dance and musical event will be presented daily." Boston Plans Jazz Festival Boston will have its first Jazz Festival at Fenway Park on August 21-23. The festival is sponsored by the Sheraton Hotel Corporation and George Wein owner of the Storyville night club. The schedule is as follows: Friday, August 21; Jimmy Rushing, Buck Clayton, Vic Dickenson, Bud Freeman, Thelonious Mork, Dakota Staton, Ray Charles; Peo Wee Russell. Saturday, August 22: Dave Brubeck, Roy Eldridge, Modern Jazz Quartet, Herb Pomeroy Sand, Sarah Vaughan. Sunday, August 23: Chris Connor, Duke Ellington, Oscar Peterson Dinah Washington and Dizzy Gilllespie. MEMORIAL STUDIO 889 UNION AVENUE