Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1958-07-23 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICAN'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE — Ph. JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn., as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES Managing Editor SMITH FLEMING Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00 — 6 Months $3.00 — 3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. A Call For Unity There is nothing more admirable in a person than rugged individualism when the objective is individual progressiveness. On the other hand, there is nothing more destructive than individualism when the objective is community progressiveness. We feel that is was not the time to display individualism but community unity during the Citizens Non-Partisan Voters League Registration Campaign which climaxed last Friday. Net results of the campaign indicate alarmingly sharp that there was not enough unity within or among the more than 100 Negro civic organizations within Memphis and Shelby County... the untiring Campaign Director W. C. Patton, Assistant Director. Earl Davis and block workers and others notwithstanding. With unity the total number of Negroes eligible to vote would greatly exceed 51,000 today. This campaign, if nothing else, points out that a successful civic campaign in any area demands the cooperative efforts of the greatest number of members of the great majority of the various civic organizations. Without this—we must always be given to the excuse of... it might have been... "if"... "and"... which leaves a bad taste in one's mouth and a discordant ringing in ones ears. When the Citizens Non-Partisan Voters League starts its next campaign—and it will—let there be no destructive talk about the Dr. J. E. Walker group—the George W. Lee group—the Atty. James Estes group—the ministers group. We would advise you to listen to and be swayed by only one kind of talk... a clear call for unity. Ripley Might Pass This One On To The Believe It Or Nots Those who may be collecting the curious antiques, the strange legislative enactment of admitted un-constitutional laws, and other gestures by those who offer as their fitness and deservedness to hold public office, their courage to resist a federal court order, should not fail to get this one coming out of a veto by Louisiana's Governor Long. From the records, "a seat-mate" bill must have been passed regulating the seating system of New Orleans system. The bill came out of a "First Come, First Served" complex and its provisions would allow the person who bought at the entrance only one single seat, to have dominion over the empty seat beside the one he purchased. In other words, any passenger would have to gain this person's permission to take the next seat. It might be a white person or a Negro. Under this system the transit authorities would submit to a proposition in which a "first come, first served" Negro passenger could refuse another Negro passenger permission to sit down beside him. A lady in fine party dress could object to a house painter sitting in an empty space, regardless of how tired he might be from the day's grind. What might make the matter more interesting would be testimonies of more who have ridden in the crowded busses coming out of Chicago's dense loop bound for places as far as 117th Street. Passengers pay no attention to any one riding by their side. In New York's giant subway, where they block by the thousands every hour from streets down into the tunnel where the subways run without conductors and passengers have to be swift on feet to get out at the street they seek, no one pays any attention to any seat-mate unless one is asking for information. So, Louisiana's "seat-mate" gesture, even if it was vetoed, will be an important relic for history readers to run across. It might be among the things Ripley writes in his "Believe It or Not," still those who might gather at parties, club houses or places to peruse the funny things and unbelievable happenings, will all pause and either bow in pity or emit a rowdy laugh at what these times in which we live are leaving on record. In that museum of intolerable relics, strange emissions of what Christians had been led to think about other Christians and what citizens engaged in as reprisal to other innocent citizens. That "seat mate" bill that went up to Governor Long for signature, relatives to New Orleans' seating of passengers in busses, will not remain long an outcast, nor something overlooked. This would be the measure of a century, which would clothe a person with legal authority to take charge of a public franchise and assume that he was entitled to as many vacant seats attached to the one he purchased, upon payment of a single seat. There is no wonder that politicians feel free to kick a court decision around on campaign stumps to impress unsuspecting voters effectively that it is in their power to vote legal questions already settled—up or down for that particular area. National Business League Impetus for organizing the National Business League came from Alabama leadership. The league's annual convention is scheduled for July 30-August 1 in Durham, N. C. Most likely there will be individual representation from Alabama. For it can be guessed that there are Alabama individuals who are members of the NBL. Yet Alabama does not have a statewide affiliate of the national organization. Birmingham, Alabama's chief city and the capital of Negro purchasing power in the Southeast, is without a unit of the NBL. How is it that Negro business men in this state can get along without organization? Generally speaking, Negro-owned business is not identified in the-local chapters and state body of the Chamber of Commerce. Lobbyists working in Montgomery in the interest of the Chamber of Commerce are not likely to watch out for the interest of Negro-owned business. Negro-owned business is going to have to pay its own freight and fight its own battle. To expand, provide up-to-date services, build payrolls and create jobs Negro-financed and managed business is going to have to subscribe to the rules of sound and successful business. As an economic tenant in the community it is going to have to pay its share of the social rent. Negro-produced business is going to have to support and cooperate with similarly-owned business in the community. It can no longer escape its responsibility and hide behind the curtain of one sided race pride. It must not try to sell Negro customers and then find fault with all other Negro-owned business which has goods and services to sell. LETTERS TO THE To The Editor: I have been listening in on cases involving colored people in Superior Court here. I find that colored people are sentenced to longer terms for stealing than they are for killing members Of their own race. A colored man or woman can kill a member of their race and plead guilty to voluntary manslaughter and receive a prison term of not more than two or three years. The judge won't permit o colored person to plead guilty to voluntary manslaughter if the victim is white. He must stand trial for the crime as set forth in the indictment. The same should apply to colored persons who are accused of killing members of their own race. The judge's practice toward colored people killing colored people encourages crime among colored people. FRANK L. ROBERSON Atlanta. Finds Discrepancy In Sentences For Killing To The Editor: I have been listening in on cases involving colored people in Superior Court here. I find that colored people are sentenced to longer terms for stealing than they are for killing members Of their own race. A colored man or woman can kill a member of their race and plead guilty to voluntary manslaughter and receive a prison term of not more than two or three years. The judge won't permit o colored person to plead guilty to voluntary manslaughter if the victim is white. He must stand trial for the crime as set forth in the indictment. The same should apply to colored persons who are accused of killing members of their own race. The judge's practice toward colored people killing colored people encourages crime among colored people. FRANK L. ROBERSON Atlanta. African Wants Pen Pals In United States To The Editor: During the recent visit of one of your editors to Ghana. I learned that the Atlanta Daily World is one of the famous newspapers in America. I shall be very grateful if you will publish my name for a Pen Friend. I am a young man of 22 years of age. I am interested in having friends from any part of America, from both males and females. My interests are dancing, photography, newspapers, magazines and periodicals. My favorite games are table tennis and football. I hope you will kindly make the publication of my name at the earliest opportunity, and expect to receive many letters from America. Thanks in anticipation. W. B. ADIO P. O. Box 450, Accra, Ghana, Africa Attorney Pierce Says have in Prentice Cooper." Candidate Cooper has had this to say concerning the segregation issue: "This is a white man's country..." "We need the biggest vote in history." Chandler said. "We need it for the influence. We (Citizens for Progress) need it to make other people realize that we hold the balance of power......" "WHITE MAN'S COUNTRY" have in Prentice Cooper." Candidate Cooper has had this to say concerning the segregation issue: "This is a white man's country..." "We need the biggest vote in history." Chandler said. "We need it for the influence. We (Citizens for Progress) need it to make other people realize that we hold the balance of power......" Angry Birmingham they went for treatment of multiple cuts and bruises inflicted by a Negro group a few minutes after the dynamite blast. The third man, was picked up after police talked with the first two. Two blasts shattered the late evening quiet in the racially mixed neighborhood damaging two houses and sending showers of glass and plaster onto sleeping children. The two houses, one occupied by Negroes and the other by whites, are located side-by-side in an area where numerous blasts have been set off during the past ten years. A daughter of William Blackwell, 47-year-old switchman at a steel plant, apparently suffered the only injury caused by the blasts, which occurred around 10 p.m. A sliver of glass cut her neck slightly. The first bomb, located at a corner of Blackwells' home, demolished the front porch shattering glass over the bed occupied by two of his daughters and the crib where his nine-months-old baby slept. Fire Chief Marshal A. Rosenfeld said the second bomb was located about 15 feet to the front of Blackwell's house. Next door, Barbey Crawford, a retired white mailman, was in bed and his wife was reading the Bible when the blasts went off. Crawford said the explosions rocked his entire two-story house and shattered many of the windows. Blackwell said he moved into his present home June 2 and both he land Crawford said there had been no indications of racial discord. Thursday night's blasts were the fourth bombing or attempted bombing in Jefferson County this year An attempt was made last month to bomb a church where Negro leader F. L. Shuttlesworth is pastor, but an alert guard removed the charge and it went off harmlessly in the street. A Negro home in suburban Bessemer was bombed in May, but police said that blast had nothing to do with racial tensions. Temple Beth-El, a Jewish Synagogue, escaped damage when the fuse on a large charge of dynamite burned out before reaching the explosive which had been placed in a window well. Tax On Advertising Declared Invalid The Baltimore City tax on newspaper, radio, and billboard advertising was declared invalid in a ruling by Judge Joseph L. Carter in Circuit Court on Monday. He said, "these ordinances violate the fundamental constitutional guarantees of the press." SEEING and SAYING By WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor Atlanta Daily World THERE IS A "big blow" brewing in the Near East. Chances are that it will breeze over that troubled area without major international conflict. However, there are other chances that come over zealous souls, trigger-happy or just plain stupid, will not stop to negotiate the differences and contentions of the real question behind the brandishing of arms and armed men. It would not be well for "civilized" mankind that one or the of her of the great powers lobbed an atomic or hydrogen warhead into the camp or upon the cities of the other. These are indeed dangerous times! There is a feeling for freedom and self-sufficiency throughout the world. The greatest area of struggle is in the lands which were former colonies. Whether they will completely throw off the yoke and the friendship of their former colonizers and subscribe to new theorists and powers is yet to be seen. As often pointed out here, smaller nations are taking sides. Sheer force will not convince them, though it may delay their activity for freedom and liberty, and the opportunity to exploit the resources of their lands for the common good. It was a question before President Eisenhower, whether to let the fires of Lebanon jump across all the seething Mid-East, or to contain them now, and try to cope with the dipomacy later. These are perilious and dangerous times for counsel and prayer. Get On Your Knees... By WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor Atlanta Daily World THERE IS A "big blow" brewing in the Near East. Chances are that it will breeze over that troubled area without major international conflict. However, there are other chances that come over zealous souls, trigger-happy or just plain stupid, will not stop to negotiate the differences and contentions of the real question behind the brandishing of arms and armed men. It would not be well for "civilized" mankind that one or the of her of the great powers lobbed an atomic or hydrogen warhead into the camp or upon the cities of the other. These are indeed dangerous times! There is a feeling for freedom and self-sufficiency throughout the world. The greatest area of struggle is in the lands which were former colonies. Whether they will completely throw off the yoke and the friendship of their former colonizers and subscribe to new theorists and powers is yet to be seen. As often pointed out here, smaller nations are taking sides. Sheer force will not convince them, though it may delay their activity for freedom and liberty, and the opportunity to exploit the resources of their lands for the common good. It was a question before President Eisenhower, whether to let the fires of Lebanon jump across all the seething Mid-East, or to contain them now, and try to cope with the dipomacy later. These are perilious and dangerous times for counsel and prayer. The Tip Off By EMORY O. JACKSON MONTGOMERY, Ala, (SNS) — The revival of the freedom spirit in this city of Confederate shrines, symbols and mystigue swept forward new voices that expressed themselves in sermons, in books, in speeches and in research. The Heart-of-Dixie protest produced a variety of local orators perhaps unrivaled in any other city during this generation. They ranged from the folksy oratory of E. D. Nixon to the flowery, scholarly, diction pure eloquence of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. The humorous coinage of the Rev. Ralph David Abernathy; the spirited persuasiveness of Rufus Lewis; the captivating softness of Mrs. Rosa Parks and the granite reasoning of Atty. Fred Gray, gave this city the orators which made one call back the days of Pericles in Athens and Cicero in Rome. Coming back after some weeks, although frequently in out of this city; there seems to be a relaxing feeling. That could be attributed to what appears that the old forces have everything in hand again. One doesn't hear on the streets the talk about the 10-point program of the Montgomery Improvement Assocation as he did the bus protest. Of course a basic, long-ranged, educational-like program does not have the attractiveness, the dramatization, and emotional appeal as a protest against cutting wrongs so flagrant and raw as those experienced by one segment of Montgomery bus-riders. He was one of those faith-made leaders who stuck it out and worked openly in the protest. His presence gave the bus-seating protest the token of being interracial. Bombers tried to destroy him. Propagandists sought to distort his motives. Yet he found a reservior of decency in Montgomery among some white citizens who understood his work and appreciate it. Without such supporting decency the struggle could have been made worse. Then one picks up The Montgomery Advertiser-Journal and turns to the editorial page July 13 to read Bob Ingram's political column. It should be said that in the run-off Democratic primary, the gubernatoria winner was not backed by the Advertiser. Here is something from the Ingram column: "Of all the state officials now living on borrowed time, and from all indications a lot of them are in that position, almost certainly the first one to go will be Winston Craig, the well-paid Negro who has chauffeured. Alabama's governors since the days of Frank Dixon." "Patterson is well aware of this and he is also well aware of how simple it will be to fire Craig. It's as good as done." "There are many reasons for Craig's tremendous unpopularity among the white people. Not the least is the fact that he was (and perhaps still is) a deacon in Dr. Martin Luther King's church. Nothing more need be said." WISHING WELL Registered U. S. Patent Office. HERE is a pleasant little game that will give you a message every day. It is a numerical puzzle designed to spell out your fortune. Count the letters in your first name. If the number of letters is 6 or more, subtract 4. If the number is less than 6, add 3. The result is your key number. Start at the upper left-hand corner of the rectangle and check every one of your key numbers, left to right. Then read the message the letters under the checked figures give you. National School Lunch Program Boosted $10 Million For Year The U. S. Department of Agriture today announced apportionment to States, territories and possessions of $93.6 million for operation of the National School Lunch Program during the 1958-59 school year, an increase of $10 million over last year. In addition, schools participating in the National School Lunch Program will receive foods purchased and distributed especially for their use. A total of $14,650,000 or regular lunch appropriated funds will be available for purchase and distribution of foods which help meet nutritional requirements of school children. The remaining $1,750,000 of the $110 million total appropriated for operation of the school lunch program will be used for administering the program. In addition, Congress provided for transfer of $35 million of Section 32 (customs receipts) funds for purchase and distribution of agricultural commodities and other food. These purchases are to help meet the needs of the National School Lunch Program, and for the general purposes of Section 32 to encourage domestic consumption of agricultural commodities and products. Planning of the purchases to be made is based primarily on providing foods that will be of greatest assistance to the schools in meet ing lunch program requirements. In the past, this has meant primarily high-protein foods, and canned fruits and vegetables, high in vitamins A. and C. Preference will be given to foods in longest supply, and which are not otherwise under price support. All purchases will be made on an offer and bid basis. Schools will also continue to benefit from any food distribution which may be made from commodities acquired under price-support and surplus-removal programs. Funds available for operation, of the National School Lunch Program are apportioned to States according to the number of children between the ages of 5 and 17, inclusive, and the relation of the per capita income in the United States to the per capita income in the State. These funds are used to reimburse schools in part for the food purchases they make locally. Last year, it is estimated, school lunch programs spent more than $475 million in purchasing foods for use in their lunches, with most of those purchases being made from local producers and suppliers. Last year, States supported the program to the extent of more than $5 for every $1 provided by the Federal government. The National School Lunch Program is administered in the States by the State departments of education, under agreements between those departments and USDA's Agricultural Marketing Service. In States which are prohibited by law from disbursing funds to private schools, the program is administered in private schools by Agricultural Marketing Service. BENEFIT CONTINUES The U. S. Department of Agriture today announced apportionment to States, territories and possessions of $93.6 million for operation of the National School Lunch Program during the 1958-59 school year, an increase of $10 million over last year. In addition, schools participating in the National School Lunch Program will receive foods purchased and distributed especially for their use. A total of $14,650,000 or regular lunch appropriated funds will be available for purchase and distribution of foods which help meet nutritional requirements of school children. The remaining $1,750,000 of the $110 million total appropriated for operation of the school lunch program will be used for administering the program. In addition, Congress provided for transfer of $35 million of Section 32 (customs receipts) funds for purchase and distribution of agricultural commodities and other food. These purchases are to help meet the needs of the National School Lunch Program, and for the general purposes of Section 32 to encourage domestic consumption of agricultural commodities and products. Planning of the purchases to be made is based primarily on providing foods that will be of greatest assistance to the schools in meet ing lunch program requirements. In the past, this has meant primarily high-protein foods, and canned fruits and vegetables, high in vitamins A. and C. Preference will be given to foods in longest supply, and which are not otherwise under price support. All purchases will be made on an offer and bid basis. Schools will also continue to benefit from any food distribution which may be made from commodities acquired under price-support and surplus-removal programs. Funds available for operation, of the National School Lunch Program are apportioned to States according to the number of children between the ages of 5 and 17, inclusive, and the relation of the per capita income in the United States to the per capita income in the State. These funds are used to reimburse schools in part for the food purchases they make locally. Last year, it is estimated, school lunch programs spent more than $475 million in purchasing foods for use in their lunches, with most of those purchases being made from local producers and suppliers. Last year, States supported the program to the extent of more than $5 for every $1 provided by the Federal government. The National School Lunch Program is administered in the States by the State departments of education, under agreements between those departments and USDA's Agricultural Marketing Service. In States which are prohibited by law from disbursing funds to private schools, the program is administered in private schools by Agricultural Marketing Service. SCAD Leader Says Race Question Is 'Moral' Problem "Laws alone will not effect a permanent improvement in race relations, but the conviction that this a a moral-problem is also needed," Elmer A. Carter said in a talk delivered to the Catholic Interracial Forum Thursday. Carter is commissioner of the New York State Commission Against Discrimination (SCAD). Pointing out that change can be, for the worse as well as for the better, he called for conscientious and continuous effort to assert the basic human dignity of each individual that is at the heart of the interracial question. Even more difficult and more essential to the Negro's advancement, he observed, is discrimination in housing. "If people always run away, we will always have a problem. Unless you keep to the forefront that it is moral question you will make no progress." he said. JAMES KEENE'S powerful new novel JUSTICE, MY BROTHER! © Copyright 1957, by James Keene; reprinted by permission of the novel's publisher, House Inc.: distributed by King Features Syndicate. AFTER SUPPER I walked out past the barn and watched the sunset. Edna came out and stood on the edge of the porch. She saw me and called. "Will you hitch up the buggy. Smoke? Ma's tired of staying home so I thought we'd go into town to the dance." I pulled the buggy out of the lean-to, then got out the harness horses. They hadn't been exercised for a few days and were full of Old Nick, but I shouldered them between the traces and hooked up. Ma had put on her velvet dress and beads and the ridiculous hat. As always, I helped her into the buggy and Edna took the reins when I handed them to her. "I wish you wouldn't mope around here, Smoke." Ma said. "Luther may come back," I said "You go on, Ma. Have a good time." She bent and patted my cheek. "You're such a good boy, Smoke." I stood there while they drove from the yard, then went over to the porch and sat down. Luther, hell! The only reason I didn't have my suit on now was that I didn't want to face Julie Hageman after shooting off my mouth. Night came in quiet and fast. The wind began to pick up, scuffing dust along, banging a loose stall door in the barn. Time passes slow when a man is alone; I sat for hours and they seemed like days. Once I went inside to look at the kitchen clock; a quarter after ten, then once more I took my place on the porch. A faint sound coming from the direction of the river pulled my attention up sharp and I sat perfectly still, listening. Then I heard it again. Two horses, and the creak of a buggy. I saw the rig, moving toward the yard, and I stepped away from the house. I recognized Julie Hageman before she saw me, and when she did, she seemed startled because she suddenly sawed on the reins. I held the nervous horses for a moment, then stepped to the off wheel. I could see that she had on a light-colored dress, the kind with a lot of ruffles, and from beneath the hem lace petticoats peeked out. She said, "I waited, Smoke, but you didn't come." "I didn't think I'd be welcome," I told her "We both said things we shouldn't, have." Julie said. "Smoke, I Just can't stay mad at you!" "You seemed mad at Everett's place." "I was pretending, but I can't do that well either." She looked at me and waited. "Well are you going to take me to the dance or not?" "Give me ten minutes," I said and ran toward the house. Some people would say that a man can't take a cold water bath, change his clothes and slick his hair in ten minutes, but I'll tell you that I did it in eight. Julie gave the reins to me once I'd hopped aboard and I whipped the light buggy around and drove from the yard. I didn't say anything for a while, not that I didn't have anything on my mind, but I was trying not to put my foot in my mouth again. Yet a man can't drive all the way to town without saying something. "Sure glad shipping's over." "I'm glad I got up the nerve to come across the river," she said. "Huh?" I stared at her. "Smoke, can you forget the schoolgirl things I said?" "Didn't sound schoolgirlish to me," I said. She reached across and took the reins, pulling the span to a halt. "Smoke, you kissed me the other night, but not the way you wanted to. You kissed me like you thought I wanted to be kissed." She wrapped the reins around the whip socket and took my hands and placed them on her waist. "Now, I want you to kiss me like you want to." Whatever folks have said about me, one thing they all know is that I don't need a lot of urging. I'll never forget how soft she felt in my arms, or how her lips answered me in a way I'd always wanted them to answer. My experience with women was limited, sure enough, but I could tell that I'd made an impression. Her eyes had a bright shine in their depths and her smile was for me alone. "Smoke," she said, "are there really Indian squaws who kiss better than I do?" The best way to make women shut up, I had just discovered, was to kiss them, which I did. Her arms knocked my hat off and liked to choke me, but can you name a better way to die? When I released her. I said, "Don't you worry about any other woman, Julie." I unwrapped the reins and drove on. She put her arm through mine and laid her head against my shoulder. And that's the way we drove to Ponca City, only it took a little longer than usual because I had to stop three or four times to see if that kiss had lost anything. It hadn't. The Grange Hall was bright with light and music floated toward us as we tied up in the lot behind. I helped Julie down and we started for the hall. "Wait! I forgot my box lunch." She hurried back to the rig to get it. "What kind of a ribbon do you have on it?" I asked. "Blue. Axe you going to bid on it, Smoke?" "You're darned tootin' I am! You think I want some other fella dancing with my girl all night?" Something I said there had the kind of effect I liked; she stepped close to me and pressed her lips against mine. Then she took my hand and we went on in. The dance had been under way for nearly two hours. Ma and Edna were there and Edna was dancing with Bill Hageman. Julie spoke briefly to Ma, then took her box lunch to the auctioneer's table at the end of the hall. I followed her, moving easy through the crowd. People spoke to me, farmers and townsfolk. I saw Vince Randolf and two other farmers by the refreshment table. When, I nodded to Randolf, he waved and smiled. Julie and I swung onto the floor and for the next half-hour time sort of got lost for me. When the set was finished, I got her a glass of punch, turned down a snort of stronger stuff, and took her outside. We sat down under the trees and listened to the noise of people at peace. At the Grange affairs, they sort of put aside their likes and dislikes and to hear them you'd never suspect they were hog-poor and full of trouble. "I don't see your brothers," Julie said. "They'll likely show up," I told her. The music began again and I got up, pulling her to her feet. "That's too good to waste," I said. Julie and I whirled about and forgot about everything, except having a good time. By the time this set ended, people were beginning to notice that we always danced together and some talk was buzzing around. We didn't care, but wagging tongues can make up a lot of stories, and to cut some of them short, Julia left me and went over to where the ladies stood in matronly splendor. I headed for Vince Randolf, who stood against the wall sipping his fruit punch. When I sided him, he said, "You're having a good time, Smoke." "That's sure gospel," I said. "Where's Wade Everett?" "Higgins stopped off before dark." Randolf said. "Wade told him he'd be here." By chance I happened to be looking at the side door when my brother Cord stepped in.... CHAPTER 20 © Copyright 1957, by James Keene; reprinted by permission of the novel's publisher, House Inc.: distributed by King Features Syndicate. AFTER SUPPER I walked out past the barn and watched the sunset. Edna came out and stood on the edge of the porch. She saw me and called. "Will you hitch up the buggy. Smoke? Ma's tired of staying home so I thought we'd go into town to the dance." I pulled the buggy out of the lean-to, then got out the harness horses. They hadn't been exercised for a few days and were full of Old Nick, but I shouldered them between the traces and hooked up. Ma had put on her velvet dress and beads and the ridiculous hat. As always, I helped her into the buggy and Edna took the reins when I handed them to her. "I wish you wouldn't mope around here, Smoke." Ma said. "Luther may come back," I said "You go on, Ma. Have a good time." She bent and patted my cheek. "You're such a good boy, Smoke." I stood there while they drove from the yard, then went over to the porch and sat down. Luther, hell! The only reason I didn't have my suit on now was that I didn't want to face Julie Hageman after shooting off my mouth. Night came in quiet and fast. The wind began to pick up, scuffing dust along, banging a loose stall door in the barn. Time passes slow when a man is alone; I sat for hours and they seemed like days. Once I went inside to look at the kitchen clock; a quarter after ten, then once more I took my place on the porch. A faint sound coming from the direction of the river pulled my attention up sharp and I sat perfectly still, listening. Then I heard it again. Two horses, and the creak of a buggy. I saw the rig, moving toward the yard, and I stepped away from the house. I recognized Julie Hageman before she saw me, and when she did, she seemed startled because she suddenly sawed on the reins. I held the nervous horses for a moment, then stepped to the off wheel. I could see that she had on a light-colored dress, the kind with a lot of ruffles, and from beneath the hem lace petticoats peeked out. She said, "I waited, Smoke, but you didn't come." "I didn't think I'd be welcome," I told her "We both said things we shouldn't, have." Julie said. "Smoke, I Just can't stay mad at you!" "You seemed mad at Everett's place." "I was pretending, but I can't do that well either." She looked at me and waited. "Well are you going to take me to the dance or not?" "Give me ten minutes," I said and ran toward the house. Some people would say that a man can't take a cold water bath, change his clothes and slick his hair in ten minutes, but I'll tell you that I did it in eight. Julie gave the reins to me once I'd hopped aboard and I whipped the light buggy around and drove from the yard. I didn't say anything for a while, not that I didn't have anything on my mind, but I was trying not to put my foot in my mouth again. Yet a man can't drive all the way to town without saying something. "Sure glad shipping's over." "I'm glad I got up the nerve to come across the river," she said. "Huh?" I stared at her. "Smoke, can you forget the schoolgirl things I said?" "Didn't sound schoolgirlish to me," I said. She reached across and took the reins, pulling the span to a halt. "Smoke, you kissed me the other night, but not the way you wanted to. You kissed me like you thought I wanted to be kissed." She wrapped the reins around the whip socket and took my hands and placed them on her waist. "Now, I want you to kiss me like you want to." Whatever folks have said about me, one thing they all know is that I don't need a lot of urging. I'll never forget how soft she felt in my arms, or how her lips answered me in a way I'd always wanted them to answer. My experience with women was limited, sure enough, but I could tell that I'd made an impression. Her eyes had a bright shine in their depths and her smile was for me alone. "Smoke," she said, "are there really Indian squaws who kiss better than I do?" The best way to make women shut up, I had just discovered, was to kiss them, which I did. Her arms knocked my hat off and liked to choke me, but can you name a better way to die? When I released her. I said, "Don't you worry about any other woman, Julie." I unwrapped the reins and drove on. She put her arm through mine and laid her head against my shoulder. And that's the way we drove to Ponca City, only it took a little longer than usual because I had to stop three or four times to see if that kiss had lost anything. It hadn't. The Grange Hall was bright with light and music floated toward us as we tied up in the lot behind. I helped Julie down and we started for the hall. "Wait! I forgot my box lunch." She hurried back to the rig to get it. "What kind of a ribbon do you have on it?" I asked. "Blue. Axe you going to bid on it, Smoke?" "You're darned tootin' I am! You think I want some other fella dancing with my girl all night?" Something I said there had the kind of effect I liked; she stepped close to me and pressed her lips against mine. Then she took my hand and we went on in. The dance had been under way for nearly two hours. Ma and Edna were there and Edna was dancing with Bill Hageman. Julie spoke briefly to Ma, then took her box lunch to the auctioneer's table at the end of the hall. I followed her, moving easy through the crowd. People spoke to me, farmers and townsfolk. I saw Vince Randolf and two other farmers by the refreshment table. When, I nodded to Randolf, he waved and smiled. Julie and I swung onto the floor and for the next half-hour time sort of got lost for me. When the set was finished, I got her a glass of punch, turned down a snort of stronger stuff, and took her outside. We sat down under the trees and listened to the noise of people at peace. At the Grange affairs, they sort of put aside their likes and dislikes and to hear them you'd never suspect they were hog-poor and full of trouble. "I don't see your brothers," Julie said. "They'll likely show up," I told her. The music began again and I got up, pulling her to her feet. "That's too good to waste," I said. Julie and I whirled about and forgot about everything, except having a good time. By the time this set ended, people were beginning to notice that we always danced together and some talk was buzzing around. We didn't care, but wagging tongues can make up a lot of stories, and to cut some of them short, Julia left me and went over to where the ladies stood in matronly splendor. I headed for Vince Randolf, who stood against the wall sipping his fruit punch. When I sided him, he said, "You're having a good time, Smoke." "That's sure gospel," I said. "Where's Wade Everett?" "Higgins stopped off before dark." Randolf said. "Wade told him he'd be here." By chance I happened to be looking at the side door when my brother Cord stepped in.... With hearings oh the Celler Civil Rights bil under way, two southern congressmen, Rep. William N. Colmer, (D-Miss) and Edwin E. Willis, (D-La) are organizing opponents to supply witnesses to testify against the Celler proposal. Rep. Emanuel Celler (D-NY) introduced the force proposals to supply 'vote bait' to leftist candidates in the congressional elections this year. Colmer and Willis don't want to give Celler, author of the legislation, the chance to say that opponents did not show sufficient interest to testify. Colmer will complete a list of opposition witnesses when he returns from Mississippi shortly. Willis predicted the Celer Bill "has no chance to pass at this session." In fact, Willis added, "I feel that Congress will not be interested in any new so-called civil rights legis lation, while the Civil Rights Commission is making its study authorized by the civil rights measure passed about a year ago." Substance was given to the contention by Colmer and Willis that civil rights legislation has "no chance this session" when Sen. James Eastland (D-Miss), chairman of the Senate Judiciary committee, revealed that the Judiciary subcommittee on Constitutional rights had voted not to hold hearings this session on any civil rights measures. Colmer, Willis and other opponents of force bills feel that national sentiment toward so-called civil rights legislation has changed since enactment of the Civil Rights Act during the closing days of the 1957 session. COMPILING A LIST With hearings oh the Celler Civil Rights bil under way, two southern congressmen, Rep. William N. Colmer, (D-Miss) and Edwin E. Willis, (D-La) are organizing opponents to supply witnesses to testify against the Celler proposal. Rep. Emanuel Celler (D-NY) introduced the force proposals to supply 'vote bait' to leftist candidates in the congressional elections this year. Colmer and Willis don't want to give Celler, author of the legislation, the chance to say that opponents did not show sufficient interest to testify. Colmer will complete a list of opposition witnesses when he returns from Mississippi shortly. Willis predicted the Celer Bill "has no chance to pass at this session." In fact, Willis added, "I feel that Congress will not be interested in any new so-called civil rights legis lation, while the Civil Rights Commission is making its study authorized by the civil rights measure passed about a year ago." Substance was given to the contention by Colmer and Willis that civil rights legislation has "no chance this session" when Sen. James Eastland (D-Miss), chairman of the Senate Judiciary committee, revealed that the Judiciary subcommittee on Constitutional rights had voted not to hold hearings this session on any civil rights measures. Colmer, Willis and other opponents of force bills feel that national sentiment toward so-called civil rights legislation has changed since enactment of the Civil Rights Act during the closing days of the 1957 session. NO CHANCE THIS SESSION With hearings oh the Celler Civil Rights bil under way, two southern congressmen, Rep. William N. Colmer, (D-Miss) and Edwin E. Willis, (D-La) are organizing opponents to supply witnesses to testify against the Celler proposal. Rep. Emanuel Celler (D-NY) introduced the force proposals to supply 'vote bait' to leftist candidates in the congressional elections this year. Colmer and Willis don't want to give Celler, author of the legislation, the chance to say that opponents did not show sufficient interest to testify. Colmer will complete a list of opposition witnesses when he returns from Mississippi shortly. Willis predicted the Celer Bill "has no chance to pass at this session." In fact, Willis added, "I feel that Congress will not be interested in any new so-called civil rights legis lation, while the Civil Rights Commission is making its study authorized by the civil rights measure passed about a year ago." Substance was given to the contention by Colmer and Willis that civil rights legislation has "no chance this session" when Sen. James Eastland (D-Miss), chairman of the Senate Judiciary committee, revealed that the Judiciary subcommittee on Constitutional rights had voted not to hold hearings this session on any civil rights measures. Colmer, Willis and other opponents of force bills feel that national sentiment toward so-called civil rights legislation has changed since enactment of the Civil Rights Act during the closing days of the 1957 session.