Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1958-08-09 Thaddeus T. Stokes Kasper's Inferiority Complex John Kasper, recently released from a federal penitentiary after serving time for riot-causing, has said he is coming to Memphis to stir up racial flames in order to prevent proposed fall integration at Memphis State University. His proposed action has brought quick fire from the two men who will have to deal with him should he come, Claude Armour, Commissioner of Fire and Police, and Jack Millard Smith, president of the university. Both have declared time and time again that they are segregationists, but both have made it clear that Agitator Kasper will not be welcomed in this city. Commissioner Armour has said, "It is a known fact that I am a segregationist, too, but I feel that we in Memphis are wellqualified to handle our own problems... Kasper is known as a radical and will not be welcomed in this city." City officials in Clinton in 1956 expressed virtually the same sentiment as did Nashville officials in 1957 when Kasper announced that he was on his way there. Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi has said, "I have no patience with Kasper's tactics." Kasper's supporters are mostly uneducated white people Who are too inarticulate to realize that rabble-rousing and riotcausing are not going to help their cause. As for Kasper, he is the very opposite of the concept of white supremacy that he preaches. His yearning to be a leader of poor, unfortunate white people via tormenting racial hatred after being 'e'ducated" in a well-known university in this country strikes many that the man has an inferiority complex. Probably failing to find prominence on the college level, either socially or economically, Kasper no doubt wanted to do something that would accord him fame—the segregation-integration issue in the South. So Kasper came South to find fame and fortune in this section's problems after feeling a failure on a higher level. As any thinking person can see, he has gained too much fame—the notorious kind-and" hot much fortune, For none of his tactics have ridden him of the thing that is responsible for his irresponsible actions—his inferiority complex—the thing that is bringing him to Memphis. IN THE NATION'S CAPITOL Secretary of Labor James P. Mitchell last, week made a significant announcement that attracted little attention because it affects unorganized workers low down in the economic scale. Mr. Mitchell said the labor Department and representatives of agricultural employers have agreed on wage policies for employment of farm labor from Mexico for this year. The agreement was reached during a meeting of officials of the Labor Department and its Bureau of Employment Security with members of a subcommittee of the Social Farm Labor Committee; composed of agricultural employer representatives from each state. The growers endorsed a new formula for use in determining prevailing wage rates of domestic workers in areas where Mexican contract workers are employed, and a new policy statement proposed by the Labor Department relating to piece rates paid Mexican nationals. They agreed to cooperate in helping solve problems in areas and crops where the wages of dofestic farm workers appear to be adversely affected by use of the Mexican contract workers. The purpose of the accepted proposals, Mr. Mitchell said, is to protect the wages of domestic farm workers who may be affected by employment of Mexican labor and to correct "inadequacies" Under the former prevailing wage formula. By law, the same prevailing wage rates paid domestic workers must be paid to Mexican nationals recruited to work in agriculture in the United States. Spelled out the new formula which goes into effect Sept. 1, specifies that the wage rate received by the greatest number of domestic workers providing it accounts for 40 per cent or more, will be considered the prevailing wage. On piece rates paid Mexican nationals, the growers accepted the principle of the Labor department's "50-cent earning policy," which calls for the establishment of piece rates at levels which will give Mexican workers of normal competency, who apply themselves diligently, the opportunity to average not less than 50 cents an hour. With a 50-cent an hour wage being paid, is it any wonder that farmers are having trouble getting farm labor and that certain crops are not going to be fully harvested? During House hearings on supplemental appropriations for the current fiscal year, Robert C. Goodwin director of the Bureau of Employment Security, admitted that his bureau has received complaints about the liability of farmers to get farm workers. With the rise in unemployment, emphasis has been put on the recruitment of domestic workers. But few Americans will take farm jobs in "sections of the country where farm wages have been lower than 50 cents ah hour and they haw resulted in weekly earnings of $15 to 20," as Mr. Goodwin testified. It is not only necessary that the Labor Department insist that efforts be made to get domestic workers, but the Labor Department should act to force farm wage rates up by reducing the certification of foreign workers. With foreign workers, forcing wage rates down, the domestic worker also finds himself in a vise created by the operation of the state unemployment compensation program. There programs may be administered in such a way that the screws can be put to an unemployed worker at any time. If an unemployed worker is referred to a Job and the wage rate is the prevailing rate for the area, the state agency can cut off his unemployment benefits if he turns down the job. With Fascist movements gainins in the South, and the govern ment at all levels in the hands of whites who believe it is their God-given right to keep colored people down, there can be no doubt of what happens to the colored man or woman who is referred to a job by state employmerit service and turns it down because the wage rate is less than the cost of living. Mr. Goodwin explained how the system works: What they usually do, when a person loses a job, say, in dustrial employment, they say he must have a chance to get a job comparable to the one he lost. They will go along with him for a certain length of time to get a comparable job in his community. "However, if his unemployment continues and he cannot, get just what he had, the states are inclined to say. "Well, you had better take the next best thing, and as time goes on, they become more and more strict as to the kind of job they insist on his taking. "So what you get normally in these situations, you have states going along with them for a matter of some weeks before they get tough in insisting that they take something like farmwork, for instance." WISHING WELL Registered U.S. Patent Office H is a pleasant little game that will give you a message every day. It is a numerical puzzle designed to spell out your fortune. Count the letters in your first name. If the number of letters is 6 or more, subtract 4. If the number is less than 6, and 3. The result is your key number. Start at the upper left-hand corner of the rectangle and check every one of your key numbers, left to right. Then read the message the letters under the checked figures give you. Democrats Avoid Showdown Bills 4 Supreme Court Curb Bills In what appears to be a maneuver to keep harmony within the Democratic party as intact as possible, Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, Senate Democratic leader, avoided action by the Democratic Policy Committee. Tuesday on four bills to curb the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court or nullify certain of its decisions in civil liberties cases. After the Democratic, Policy Committee meeting, Senator Johnson told reporters that Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, had attended the meeting and discussed the bills but no action had been taken on them. Prior to the committee meeting, it had been generally believed in informed circles at the Capitol that a compromise would be reached and that the Policy Committee would schedule the Bridges bill and the Mallory bill and would pigeonhole the more sweeping Butler-Jenner bill and the House-approved Smith bill. Senator Johnson indicated that the Democratic Policy Committee will schedule some court-curbing legislation before the Congress adjounrs sine die. The Bridges bill and the Mallory bill, have been ordered reported by the Senate Judiciary Committee, but the printed reports were not available for the committee. The Senate Judiciary Committee has not yet acted on the Smith bill. The Butler-Jenner bill is on the Senate calendar, and Senator Richard B. Russell, influential Georgia Democrat, has urged the Policy Committee to schedule it for Senate debate and vote. Senator Johnson said rib action was taken on any of these bills "because there are so many different approaches to be considered." He added that it was agreed that the committee is to act promptly on some of these bills in a short time. Any of the four court-curbing bills probably will likely provoke lengthy debate. The one which would have the least effect is the Bridges bill. Senator Wayne Morse, Oregon Democrat and former dean of the Univeristy of Oregon Law School, has indicated that he will oppose the Mallory bill. The House-approved Smith bill would draw widespread opposition because it appears that it goes beyond the area of state sedition laws and would affect broad questions of interstate commerce, criminal law, labor relations, and many others. There appears to be so much opposition to the Jenner-Butler bill that it might provoke Serrate liberals into a filibuster which could result, in a legislative snarl in the closing days of this session. Senator Johnson, would like to avoid a floor fight. It is therefore likely that he will move to bring up the two bills, which will meet with the least opposition — the Bridges bill and the Mallory bill. The Bridges bill, like the Smith hill, would nullify the Supreme Court decision in the Steve Nelson case, but, unlike the Smith bill, it is limited to state subversive or sedition statutes. It provides that Congressional acts which may be passed in the future prescribing criminal penalties for any act of subversion or sedition against the United, States "shall not prevent the enforcement" in any state court of any state law prescribing any criminal penalty for any such act, or conspiracy to commit sedition, unless the Congressional act so provides. In the Steve Nelson case, the United States Supreme Court affirmed a decision of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, declaring unconstitutional the Pennsylvania sedition law insofar as it applied to subversive activities against the United States. The so called Mallory bill would nullity the Supreme Court decision in the case of Andrew Mallory, 19year-old colored youth of limited intelligence, who was convicted of rape. The Supreme Court set aside his conviction on the ground that there was undue delay between the time of his arrest and the time when he was taken before a committing magistrate. The Jenner-Butler bill would take jurisdiction away from the Supreme Court in cases involving subversive activities, congressional investigations and contempts of Congress, removal of Federal employees on security grounds, and disbarment proceedings. Only once in the history of this country has Congress enacted any legislation similar, to the JennerButler bill. This occurred during the Reconstruction era when jurisdiction was taken away from the Supreme Court in habeas corpus cases. Realizing this was a mistake, Congress restored the jurisdiction in 1885. COURT-CURBING LEGISLATION In what appears to be a maneuver to keep harmony within the Democratic party as intact as possible, Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, Senate Democratic leader, avoided action by the Democratic Policy Committee. Tuesday on four bills to curb the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court or nullify certain of its decisions in civil liberties cases. After the Democratic, Policy Committee meeting, Senator Johnson told reporters that Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, had attended the meeting and discussed the bills but no action had been taken on them. Prior to the committee meeting, it had been generally believed in informed circles at the Capitol that a compromise would be reached and that the Policy Committee would schedule the Bridges bill and the Mallory bill and would pigeonhole the more sweeping Butler-Jenner bill and the House-approved Smith bill. Senator Johnson indicated that the Democratic Policy Committee will schedule some court-curbing legislation before the Congress adjounrs sine die. The Bridges bill and the Mallory bill, have been ordered reported by the Senate Judiciary Committee, but the printed reports were not available for the committee. The Senate Judiciary Committee has not yet acted on the Smith bill. The Butler-Jenner bill is on the Senate calendar, and Senator Richard B. Russell, influential Georgia Democrat, has urged the Policy Committee to schedule it for Senate debate and vote. Senator Johnson said rib action was taken on any of these bills "because there are so many different approaches to be considered." He added that it was agreed that the committee is to act promptly on some of these bills in a short time. Any of the four court-curbing bills probably will likely provoke lengthy debate. The one which would have the least effect is the Bridges bill. Senator Wayne Morse, Oregon Democrat and former dean of the Univeristy of Oregon Law School, has indicated that he will oppose the Mallory bill. The House-approved Smith bill would draw widespread opposition because it appears that it goes beyond the area of state sedition laws and would affect broad questions of interstate commerce, criminal law, labor relations, and many others. There appears to be so much opposition to the Jenner-Butler bill that it might provoke Serrate liberals into a filibuster which could result, in a legislative snarl in the closing days of this session. Senator Johnson, would like to avoid a floor fight. It is therefore likely that he will move to bring up the two bills, which will meet with the least opposition — the Bridges bill and the Mallory bill. The Bridges bill, like the Smith hill, would nullify the Supreme Court decision in the Steve Nelson case, but, unlike the Smith bill, it is limited to state subversive or sedition statutes. It provides that Congressional acts which may be passed in the future prescribing criminal penalties for any act of subversion or sedition against the United, States "shall not prevent the enforcement" in any state court of any state law prescribing any criminal penalty for any such act, or conspiracy to commit sedition, unless the Congressional act so provides. In the Steve Nelson case, the United States Supreme Court affirmed a decision of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, declaring unconstitutional the Pennsylvania sedition law insofar as it applied to subversive activities against the United States. The so called Mallory bill would nullity the Supreme Court decision in the case of Andrew Mallory, 19year-old colored youth of limited intelligence, who was convicted of rape. The Supreme Court set aside his conviction on the ground that there was undue delay between the time of his arrest and the time when he was taken before a committing magistrate. The Jenner-Butler bill would take jurisdiction away from the Supreme Court in cases involving subversive activities, congressional investigations and contempts of Congress, removal of Federal employees on security grounds, and disbarment proceedings. Only once in the history of this country has Congress enacted any legislation similar, to the JennerButler bill. This occurred during the Reconstruction era when jurisdiction was taken away from the Supreme Court in habeas corpus cases. Realizing this was a mistake, Congress restored the jurisdiction in 1885. PROVOKED SENATE LIBERALS In what appears to be a maneuver to keep harmony within the Democratic party as intact as possible, Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, Senate Democratic leader, avoided action by the Democratic Policy Committee. Tuesday on four bills to curb the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court or nullify certain of its decisions in civil liberties cases. After the Democratic, Policy Committee meeting, Senator Johnson told reporters that Senator James O. Eastland of Mississippi, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, had attended the meeting and discussed the bills but no action had been taken on them. Prior to the committee meeting, it had been generally believed in informed circles at the Capitol that a compromise would be reached and that the Policy Committee would schedule the Bridges bill and the Mallory bill and would pigeonhole the more sweeping Butler-Jenner bill and the House-approved Smith bill. Senator Johnson indicated that the Democratic Policy Committee will schedule some court-curbing legislation before the Congress adjounrs sine die. The Bridges bill and the Mallory bill, have been ordered reported by the Senate Judiciary Committee, but the printed reports were not available for the committee. The Senate Judiciary Committee has not yet acted on the Smith bill. The Butler-Jenner bill is on the Senate calendar, and Senator Richard B. Russell, influential Georgia Democrat, has urged the Policy Committee to schedule it for Senate debate and vote. Senator Johnson said rib action was taken on any of these bills "because there are so many different approaches to be considered." He added that it was agreed that the committee is to act promptly on some of these bills in a short time. Any of the four court-curbing bills probably will likely provoke lengthy debate. The one which would have the least effect is the Bridges bill. Senator Wayne Morse, Oregon Democrat and former dean of the Univeristy of Oregon Law School, has indicated that he will oppose the Mallory bill. The House-approved Smith bill would draw widespread opposition because it appears that it goes beyond the area of state sedition laws and would affect broad questions of interstate commerce, criminal law, labor relations, and many others. There appears to be so much opposition to the Jenner-Butler bill that it might provoke Serrate liberals into a filibuster which could result, in a legislative snarl in the closing days of this session. Senator Johnson, would like to avoid a floor fight. It is therefore likely that he will move to bring up the two bills, which will meet with the least opposition — the Bridges bill and the Mallory bill. The Bridges bill, like the Smith hill, would nullify the Supreme Court decision in the Steve Nelson case, but, unlike the Smith bill, it is limited to state subversive or sedition statutes. It provides that Congressional acts which may be passed in the future prescribing criminal penalties for any act of subversion or sedition against the United, States "shall not prevent the enforcement" in any state court of any state law prescribing any criminal penalty for any such act, or conspiracy to commit sedition, unless the Congressional act so provides. In the Steve Nelson case, the United States Supreme Court affirmed a decision of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, declaring unconstitutional the Pennsylvania sedition law insofar as it applied to subversive activities against the United States. The so called Mallory bill would nullity the Supreme Court decision in the case of Andrew Mallory, 19year-old colored youth of limited intelligence, who was convicted of rape. The Supreme Court set aside his conviction on the ground that there was undue delay between the time of his arrest and the time when he was taken before a committing magistrate. The Jenner-Butler bill would take jurisdiction away from the Supreme Court in cases involving subversive activities, congressional investigations and contempts of Congress, removal of Federal employees on security grounds, and disbarment proceedings. Only once in the history of this country has Congress enacted any legislation similar, to the JennerButler bill. This occurred during the Reconstruction era when jurisdiction was taken away from the Supreme Court in habeas corpus cases. Realizing this was a mistake, Congress restored the jurisdiction in 1885. THREE IN ONE! I'M EMPLOYER! I'M GOVERNMENT! I'M WORKER! INTER — NATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION COMMUNIST BLOC DELEGATES EMPLOYER FREE WORKER WORLD DELEGATES GOV'T MEMPHIS WORLD Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition FURNITURE FOR SALE Duncan Phyfe drop leaf dining room table. $25: Set of six Needlepoint chairs, $35; Duncan Phyfe Sofa, $65, newly upholstered in muslin; also Lounge Chair in muslin, $40; Peer glass mirror, $50; Antique cherry bed, spring and mattress in excellent condition, $75; Pair Marble top end tables, $25 each; Lovely genuine mahogany kneehole desk, $75; Victorian bed, chest, dresser, music, stand, chair, together or separately. 1952 Thor washer with interchangeable dish washing unit, $50. Rexair vacuum, $25, and miscellaneous items. GL. 2-5628. MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS CONCERT Olds tenor saxaphone, practically new. Will sell for cash, or trade for used car. FA 7-0349. REMODEL-REPAIR-PAINT ADD-A-ROOM On FHA terms. Free estimates, easy payments — Carports, dens, garages, rooms, enclosures, painting, roofing, concrete, brick paneling, siding, additions. Phone for estimate. Home Builders Supply Co. 820 S. Willett BR 5-8128 SALESWOMEN WANTED MAKE EXTRA MONEY In Your Spare Time SELL CHRISTMAS CARDS For A Memphis Firm Come to our office or write: SOUTHERN GREETING CARD COMPANY 478 N. Hollywood — Dept. 100 Memphis 12, Tennessee BUSINESS WOMEN — SELL To fellow employees on lunch hour and breaks. Add $20-$30 a week to present income. Avon Cosmetics are in demand everywhere. Call JA 5-6933. NEWSBOYS WANTED To Sell the Memphis World Tuesday and Friday. JA 6-4030. FEMALE HELP WANTED WOMEN Sew Easy Ready-cut wrapa-round Aprons home. Earn $26.16 Dozen—Spare Time. Write: Accurate MFGR'S, Freeport, N.Y. JAMES KEENE'S powerful new novel JUSTICE, MY BROTHER! © Copyright 1957, by James Keene; reprinted by permission of the novel's publisher, House Inc.: distributed by King Features Syndicate. "TO GO HOME and face Luther now was out of the question. I rode on toward the river, paused there for a time, then crossed over to Bill Hageman's place. Julie heard me crossing the yard and came out. I dismounted slowly and tied up. "Smoke O'Dare," she cried, "what's wrong?" I just shook my head and stepped into the shade. "Bill home?" "He's inside. Smoke, what happened?" I took her arm and we went Into the house. Bill was in the kitchen, stripped to the waist and washing the refuse of a sleepless night from his eyes. He turned and looked at me, then put the towel aside. "Sit down, Smoke." He pulled a chair away from the table and I sort of dropped In it, as though my legs no longer wanted to support ray weight. "The marshal get here?" I asked. "An hour ago. They sent Bud Ledbetter. Couldn't have picked a better man." He scraped back another chai and sat down across from me. "What's the matter with you, Smoke? I've never seen you looking so peaked before." And I'd never felt this way before either, so I told him everything, the whole, rotten story, about my finding the rope and what Heck Overland had said and the quarrel Luther had had with Everett. Julie watched me, not saying anything. Bill never took his eyes off my face and when I finished, he said quietly, "This looks bad for Luther. What are you going to do about it. Smoke?" "I don't know," I admitted. "What can I do, Bill?" He shook his head. "At a time like this, a man has to do what ne thinks is righ, I can't help you, Smoke. Julie can't help you either." "But what would you do?" "I don't know." Bill said, "It all depends on what a man is inside. How deep does his sense of right and wrong go?" "You're talking fib out my brother!" Bill nodded. "He's Cord's brother too. What would Cord do about it?" "Cover for him," I said without hesitation. "He must have been covering for him all along. It's the only reason he could have had for egging you into a fight, trying to keep everybody from looking too closely at the O'Dares." I placed my face in my hands. "I can't carry this load, Bill. Maybe Cord can, but I'm not heavy enough." "No one can carry it for you," Bill Hageman said, "Smoke, there comes a time in every man's life when he has to stand alone, if he has integrity. Without it, he'll fall, and once he's fallen, he'll never be the same again." He got up and put his hand on my shoulder. "Julie and I are going to forget what you said here, if that's the way you choose to play it, Smoke. You do what you feel is right, and think about it carefully." I looked at him. "Turn Luther in?" "I can't tell you," Bill said and went down the hall. Julie came around to my side and put her arm around me. She didn't say anything to help me; there was nothing she could say. This was my time to rise or fall as a man, and it was a terrible decision to make, against one's own brother. Her voice was soft when she said, "I love you. Smoke, really love you." How I'd wanted to hear her say that! I looked at her! "But you'd love me a lot less if I failed you now, wouldn't you?" "No," she said. "A man can only be what he is. He can't rise very far above chat, no matter how hard he tries." I stayed "in Bill Hageman's kitchen for almost ah hour. Julie stayed with me, remaining silent, but lending infinite strength just by being there. Finally I stood up and walked out of the house. She followed me to the porch where Bill waited. After untying my horse and swinging Up, I said, "What kind of a fella is Bud Ledbetter? Easy to talk to? Because what I got to say is going to come hard." Julie suddenly put her hands over her face and began to cry, but with relief, I knew. Bill threw away his cigarette and stepped off the porch. His voice was very soft "You're the tallest man I've seen in a spell of Sundays, Smoke. I'll ride along with you, if you want." "I'll go this one alone," I said and wheeled away, taking the Ponca City road. Of the hundred-odd times I'd traveled that road, the one I'll always remember is the one I want to forget most. Once my mind was made up, it stayed that way, and the hurt was something I was going to have to live with the rest of my life. When I got to town I stopped at the end of the street, hardly, able to believe what I saw. Every farmer in our part of the country was in town, and armed. As I rode down that street, every eye was on me, and I imagine the impulse to kill me was strong in more than one man. saw Vince Randolf standing in front of the hotel with a double-barreled shotgun In the crook of his arm and I pulled in, dismounting. "Mr. Randolf, where can I find the United States Marshal?" "Inside," Randolf said. He stepped aside to let me pass. The clerk looked at me uneasily. "Mr. Ledbetter? Room eight at the head of the stairs." I went up, counting each step as though they led to the gallows. At number eight I knocked and a bass voice invited me in. Bud Ledbetter was stretched out on the bed; he swung his feet to the floor as I closed the door. He was a small man, in his fifties, white-haired and his thick mustache had been time-bleached to match his thane. He had eyes as clear as glass marbles, yet there was warmth in the man: I felt it instinctively. "You're not a farmer," he said evenly, "and since Hageman has no brothers, you must be an O'Dare." "Smoke," I said. "Henry O'Dare." "I'll call you Smoke," Ledbetter said, motioning toward a chair. "I've got to talk to you, sir," I said. "Got something I ought to know?" "Yes, sir. I have the rope that hung Wade Everett." His expression remained inflexible. "Did you hang him, son?" "No, and I ain't, sure who aid." "Then how do you know about the rope?" His eyes held a deep interest, perhaps curiosity. "Better, tell me all about it." When there was no more to tell, Ledbetter asked the question I was afraid I'd never be able to answer. "Why, Smoke?" What was the answer? I went over to the window and looked down into the street, studying the hostility there. At length I had an answer; I turned around, and said, "Because we can't go on living like this, Marshal. We can't go on looking at each other and thinking things about each other. A man's better off dead than living like that We either got to trust each other and get along, or we'll all end up bad." "That is," Ledbetter said softly, "as good a reason as a man can have. But the price to you is high" He picked up his hat and squared it, on his head. "Snail we go? I'll have to arrest Luther." CHAPTER 25 © Copyright 1957, by James Keene; reprinted by permission of the novel's publisher, House Inc.: distributed by King Features Syndicate. "TO GO HOME and face Luther now was out of the question. I rode on toward the river, paused there for a time, then crossed over to Bill Hageman's place. Julie heard me crossing the yard and came out. I dismounted slowly and tied up. "Smoke O'Dare," she cried, "what's wrong?" I just shook my head and stepped into the shade. "Bill home?" "He's inside. Smoke, what happened?" I took her arm and we went Into the house. Bill was in the kitchen, stripped to the waist and washing the refuse of a sleepless night from his eyes. He turned and looked at me, then put the towel aside. "Sit down, Smoke." He pulled a chair away from the table and I sort of dropped In it, as though my legs no longer wanted to support ray weight. "The marshal get here?" I asked. "An hour ago. They sent Bud Ledbetter. Couldn't have picked a better man." He scraped back another chai and sat down across from me. "What's the matter with you, Smoke? I've never seen you looking so peaked before." And I'd never felt this way before either, so I told him everything, the whole, rotten story, about my finding the rope and what Heck Overland had said and the quarrel Luther had had with Everett. Julie watched me, not saying anything. Bill never took his eyes off my face and when I finished, he said quietly, "This looks bad for Luther. What are you going to do about it. Smoke?" "I don't know," I admitted. "What can I do, Bill?" He shook his head. "At a time like this, a man has to do what ne thinks is righ, I can't help you, Smoke. Julie can't help you either." "But what would you do?" "I don't know." Bill said, "It all depends on what a man is inside. How deep does his sense of right and wrong go?" "You're talking fib out my brother!" Bill nodded. "He's Cord's brother too. What would Cord do about it?" "Cover for him," I said without hesitation. "He must have been covering for him all along. It's the only reason he could have had for egging you into a fight, trying to keep everybody from looking too closely at the O'Dares." I placed my face in my hands. "I can't carry this load, Bill. Maybe Cord can, but I'm not heavy enough." "No one can carry it for you," Bill Hageman said, "Smoke, there comes a time in every man's life when he has to stand alone, if he has integrity. Without it, he'll fall, and once he's fallen, he'll never be the same again." He got up and put his hand on my shoulder. "Julie and I are going to forget what you said here, if that's the way you choose to play it, Smoke. You do what you feel is right, and think about it carefully." I looked at him. "Turn Luther in?" "I can't tell you," Bill said and went down the hall. Julie came around to my side and put her arm around me. She didn't say anything to help me; there was nothing she could say. This was my time to rise or fall as a man, and it was a terrible decision to make, against one's own brother. Her voice was soft when she said, "I love you. Smoke, really love you." How I'd wanted to hear her say that! I looked at her! "But you'd love me a lot less if I failed you now, wouldn't you?" "No," she said. "A man can only be what he is. He can't rise very far above chat, no matter how hard he tries." I stayed "in Bill Hageman's kitchen for almost ah hour. Julie stayed with me, remaining silent, but lending infinite strength just by being there. Finally I stood up and walked out of the house. She followed me to the porch where Bill waited. After untying my horse and swinging Up, I said, "What kind of a fella is Bud Ledbetter? Easy to talk to? Because what I got to say is going to come hard." Julie suddenly put her hands over her face and began to cry, but with relief, I knew. Bill threw away his cigarette and stepped off the porch. His voice was very soft "You're the tallest man I've seen in a spell of Sundays, Smoke. I'll ride along with you, if you want." "I'll go this one alone," I said and wheeled away, taking the Ponca City road. Of the hundred-odd times I'd traveled that road, the one I'll always remember is the one I want to forget most. Once my mind was made up, it stayed that way, and the hurt was something I was going to have to live with the rest of my life. When I got to town I stopped at the end of the street, hardly, able to believe what I saw. Every farmer in our part of the country was in town, and armed. As I rode down that street, every eye was on me, and I imagine the impulse to kill me was strong in more than one man. saw Vince Randolf standing in front of the hotel with a double-barreled shotgun In the crook of his arm and I pulled in, dismounting. "Mr. Randolf, where can I find the United States Marshal?" "Inside," Randolf said. He stepped aside to let me pass. The clerk looked at me uneasily. "Mr. Ledbetter? Room eight at the head of the stairs." I went up, counting each step as though they led to the gallows. At number eight I knocked and a bass voice invited me in. Bud Ledbetter was stretched out on the bed; he swung his feet to the floor as I closed the door. He was a small man, in his fifties, white-haired and his thick mustache had been time-bleached to match his thane. He had eyes as clear as glass marbles, yet there was warmth in the man: I felt it instinctively. "You're not a farmer," he said evenly, "and since Hageman has no brothers, you must be an O'Dare." "Smoke," I said. "Henry O'Dare." "I'll call you Smoke," Ledbetter said, motioning toward a chair. "I've got to talk to you, sir," I said. "Got something I ought to know?" "Yes, sir. I have the rope that hung Wade Everett." His expression remained inflexible. "Did you hang him, son?" "No, and I ain't, sure who aid." "Then how do you know about the rope?" His eyes held a deep interest, perhaps curiosity. "Better, tell me all about it." When there was no more to tell, Ledbetter asked the question I was afraid I'd never be able to answer. "Why, Smoke?" What was the answer? I went over to the window and looked down into the street, studying the hostility there. At length I had an answer; I turned around, and said, "Because we can't go on living like this, Marshal. We can't go on looking at each other and thinking things about each other. A man's better off dead than living like that We either got to trust each other and get along, or we'll all end up bad." "That is," Ledbetter said softly, "as good a reason as a man can have. But the price to you is high" He picked up his hat and squared it, on his head. "Snail we go? I'll have to arrest Luther." Dr. Patterson ploying largely white males on the assembly line. Hammer said that white females would in all likelihood be employed next before Negro laborers into Southern industry. Hammer and Julius Thomas, a New York industrial secretary with the National Urban League, pointed out that the economic lot of the American Negro has risen spectacularly since 1940. In a luncheon session Thomas said that per capita income among Negroes rose from $384 in 1939 to $1070 in 1956. Thomas and Hammer agreed that the improved economic status of Negroes represents a challenge to Negro capital and Negro entrepreneurship. Hammer said that Negro capitalists must think in terms of associating with national chains located in predominantly Negroneighborhoods. He stressed the necessity, however, of providing trained Negro personnel in clerical and managerial capacities. In addition to Dr. Patterson the National Business- League re-elect ed Rufus G. Byars of Washington as treasurer. The league also named John H. Wickliff of New York as secretary and director of field services. Included on the banker's reelection slate were Mrs. Nettie Archer of Atlanta, treasurer; E. E. Tillmon of Kansas City, Kas., secretary. Housewives League officers for the coming year are: Mrs. Fannie B. Peck, Detroit, president emeritus; Mrs. Christina M. Fuqua. Detroit, immediate past president; Mrs. Pearl Bell, Louisville, Fy., first vice president; Mrs. Estella L. Crosby, Boston, second vice president; Miss Sarah Dotson, Durham, third vice president; Mrs. Nannie E. Black, Detroit, recording secretary; Mrs. Waldeon B. Tate, Louisville, Ky., assistant secretary; Mrs. Samuel Randolph, Cincinnati, corresponding secretary. Mrs. Ella M. Martin, Boston, financial secretary;. Mrs. Ruth J. Jackson, Birmingham, treasurer; Mrs. Arena J. Bugg, Washington, parliamentarian; Mrs. Geraldine Thornton, Cincinnati, assistant, parliamentarian; Mrs. Helen G. Malloy, Detroit, historian; Mrs. Addie W. Duff, Louisville, Ky., chaplain, and Mrs. M. M. Andrews, Cincinnati, custodian. NAMED BANKERS' NATIONAL TREASURER — Mrs. Nettie Archer, center, cashier of the Citizens Trust Co., Atlanta, was re-elected treasurer of the National Bankers Association at the close of the NBA's annual session at North Carolina College, Durham, last weekend. Mrs. Archer is shown here with two former Atlantans who now make their home in Durham. At the left is J. S. Stewart, Durham City Councilman from the Third Ward, and executive secretary of the Mutual Savings and Loan As sociation. At right is John H. Wheeler, president of Durham's Mechanics and Farmers Bank which observed its Golden Anniversary during the meeting of the NBA with the National Business League. Wheeler, noted Durham civil rights lawyer, is a former president of the bankers, and E. E. Tillmon of Kansas City, was re-elected secretary. Montgomery Minister the Holt Street Baptist Church, where the famed boycott of segregated city buses began in Dec. 1955. The boycott ended more than a year later after state and city bus segregation laws were held unconstitutional. The Negro Montgomery Improvement Association, which directed the boycott, will sponsor the farewell meeting for the minister, who also is a member of the MIA executive committee. Graetz, whose integration efforts made his home a target of three dynamite bombs, was a familiar figure at the Negro mass meetings held weekly during the boycott. When the Negroes set up a car pool to provide transportation for their race, the white minister drove one of the cars. Graetz is, a native of Clarksburg, W. Va., and came to Montgomery after serving two years as a student pastor at the American Lutheran Church in Los Angeles, Calif. Graetz considered his Montgomery church integrated "because my family are active members of the congregation." INTEGRATION EFFORTS the Holt Street Baptist Church, where the famed boycott of segregated city buses began in Dec. 1955. 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