Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1957-07-17 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICAN STANDARD RACE JAURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE—Ph. JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn. as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES ............ Managing Editor SMITH FLEMING .............. Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00—6 Months $3.00—3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest of its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. Your Congressional Representatives Reflect The Local Appetite The demands of the people on their duly elected representalives are reflected in what these representatives emphasize most in the avenues of the discharge of their stewardship. To this end they bargain, trade and make concessions with their fellow representatives in order that the folks back home might feel the impact of their services. The nickel, copper and aluminum interest in the far west, the vast steel and oil industries of the north and northwest and the grain and potato centers of the middle west all bring pressure upon those who represent them and their industries in the two houses of the Congress. What a section demands depends largely upon its sociological appetite, geographical position, its produce and in some instances its tradition and its "way of life." Representatives in the Congress are often called upon by those who pin-point pivotal places, waterways and other physical possibilities for those industries that will afford payrolls and keep the people and population balanced that there will be no wholesale mobile activities tending to cut the population or disconcert the people. There are those who are interested in addition to social, educational and peaceful relations, all assets to any industrial development. The peace is an important factor. The reputation of a community or state can be one of the greatest determining factors in its claim of availability. Therefore, there are those who base their claims on the fact that the people are a unit, that relations are never any concern and the general ambition of the locale is the making of the climate, facilities and terrain inviting to the end of attraction. When a great mass of people migrate from one state to another, even cutting down representation in the Congress, there should be serious concern in the inquiry of conditions underlying such an exodus. Surely, it would be the last thing for representatives in the Congress to advertise to the other part of the country and the world that they represent a section of the country whose attitude and adaptabilities and whose native ambitions are reflected in what they clamor for the most and ring the loudest in the halls of the Congress. At the present moment just how are your Representatives in the Congress passing off their valuable time? Is your appetite reflected in what they are crying for the most —— while Rome literally burns? We think not. Feel of Clay A gentleman from the Pacific Coast who has to spend some time in Washington, D. C., recently, trying to get consideration of needed harbor improvements for his community, came home a dissillusioned man. He said: "Every move made in Washington is based on politics first— facts second." That is a pretty rough statement but the evidence leads one to believe that it is not too much exaggerated. A late and glaring example is the very swapping of votes by the "Civil Rights"—"Hell's Canyon" Senators to pass their pet bills. Apparently principles invilved in both issues were of secondary consideration—lawmakers on either side could change their votes as easily as a snake can shed its skin. It is a sad experience for a citizen to see the feet of his public servants whom he has considered a cut above ward politicians, suddenly turn to clay. Who would knowingly have dealings with a man who followed these tactics in private business transactions? IN THE NATION'S CAPITAL PRESIDENT EISENHOWER has invited Althea Gibson, the new world tennis queen, to come in and see him whenever she is in Washington. The column a week ago concerning Dr. Joseph H. Jackson, president of the National Baptist Convention, USA Inc., brought an immediate reaction. A telegarm from Dr. Roland Smith, pastor of the First Baptist Church, Little Rock, Ark., and secretary of the National Baptist Training Union Board, Nashville, Tenn., changed that the column contained "a number of inaccuracies with reference to the tenure issue, prospective candidates and convention information." Dr. Jackson is rounding out his fourth term as president of the Convention and if the tenure law is valid, he may not succeed himself. If it was not legally adopted, as some members of the Convention assert, or if it was legally adopted and subsequently "lifted" by resolution, as is also claimed, then he is eligible to succeed himself. "Obviously you did not have the benefit of basic factual resources in preparing your account," Dr. Smith said, adding: "Suggest that you re-check the statements used with other Baptist leaders who know the facts. The constitution of the "National Baptist Convention is clear on tenure. "Dr. J. H. Jackson is ineligible for reelection, he was completely repudiated in Denver and will decisively be defeated at Louisville in September." The last National Baptist Convention met in Denver. The next one will meet in Louisville in September. The mails of Senators reflect little public interest in the civil rights fight although the Senate galleries were crowded and it was difficult to walk through the corridors during the first three days until Senator Olin D. Johnston, Democrat of South Carolina, arose late Wednesday afternoon to speak. Johnston succeeded in empting the galleries. Even reporters walked out and stayed out until he relinquished the floor about 5 o'clock the next afternoon. There was a quorum call, after which Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, the Democratic Senate leader, announced that he would try to get a unanimous consent agreement for voting on the motion of Senator William F. Knowland, of California, the GOP Senate leader, to take up the bill. As soon as Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, of Mississippi, was recognized to begin a lengthy harangue against the bill, reporters again left the chamber. One Senator's office reported that it had received during the week of July 1 only 10 letters on civil rights—four for civil rights four for civil right and six against. This rated unfavorably with 207 letter on postal pay legislation during the same Period. The only serious defections in civil rights ranks are from the liberal Democratic group. Senators Frank J. Lausche of Ohio, Wayne Morse of Oregon and Joseph C. OMahoney of Wyoming have not altogether abandoned liberal Democrats on the civil rights issue—they voted against bypassing the Senate Judiciary Committee with the House-approved bill—but they're giving an awful lot of comfort and add to the Dixiecrats. Lauche has engaged in learned discussions with Senator Sam J. Ervin, Democrat, of North Carolina, author of the jury trial amend ment, about jurisdiction existing in courts of law and courts of equity in England and whether the provision in the United States Constitution guaranteeing jury trials in criminal prosecutions and in lawsuits where the amount in controversy is $20 or more was derived from England concepts of law and equity jurisdiction. Ervin's fear, Lausche Lausche summed up their exchange, is that "the ancient rules which protect the individual in a court of law and which do not entrust his rights to the whims and caprices of the judge in equity, will be violated and will be circumvented by the expansion of the jurisdiction in equity." Boiled down that language means that Lausche is getting ready to vote for a trial by jury in civil rights contempt cases, which would permit southern white men to go on depriving colored persons of the right to vote violating their other civil rights and even murdering and kidnapping them, as Mississippi peckerwoods did the Till boy and go scot free. Its dollars to donu's that exSenator George H. Bender, whom Lausche defeated in 1956, would be found in no such compromising position with Dixiecrats. Incidentally, Senator Richard B. Russell of Georgia, leader of the southern anti-civil rights bloc, knew his man when he picked Lausche as his favorite candidate for the Democratic nomination for President in 1956. Morse wants the Senate to send the House-approved bill to the Senate Judiciary Committee, which Eastland heads and which has been the graveyard of civil rights legislation, with instructions that it be reported back to the Senate in two weeks. The rub in his proposal is that he can only make his motion to do that after the Senate adopts Knowland's motion making the Houseapproved bill the unfinished busi ness of the Senate. If the Morse motion prevailed after the committee returned the bill, it would be placed on the Senate calendar and the Senate would have to go through another fillbuster to get it made the unfinished business. Morse, however, has a good record over the years on civil rights matters and is expected to vote against a jury trial amendment and for the Administration bill. O'Mahoney has offered a jury trial amendment but he won't say whether he will vote to limit debate on the bill if his amendment is accepted. Dr. Clarence (Spoof) Greene, brain surgeon, has been hospitalized at Freedmen's for about two weeks. The hospital reports that he is doing nicely and his condition is improving. George G. Fleming, treasurer of the District of Columbia Home Rule Committee, was one of the six home rule advocates to whom President Eisenhower suggested a campaign to arouse grass roots support for their cause when they called at the White House last week. ALTHEA TO WHITE HOUSE PRESIDENT EISENHOWER has invited Althea Gibson, the new world tennis queen, to come in and see him whenever she is in Washington. The column a week ago concerning Dr. Joseph H. Jackson, president of the National Baptist Convention, USA Inc., brought an immediate reaction. A telegarm from Dr. Roland Smith, pastor of the First Baptist Church, Little Rock, Ark., and secretary of the National Baptist Training Union Board, Nashville, Tenn., changed that the column contained "a number of inaccuracies with reference to the tenure issue, prospective candidates and convention information." Dr. Jackson is rounding out his fourth term as president of the Convention and if the tenure law is valid, he may not succeed himself. If it was not legally adopted, as some members of the Convention assert, or if it was legally adopted and subsequently "lifted" by resolution, as is also claimed, then he is eligible to succeed himself. "Obviously you did not have the benefit of basic factual resources in preparing your account," Dr. Smith said, adding: "Suggest that you re-check the statements used with other Baptist leaders who know the facts. The constitution of the "National Baptist Convention is clear on tenure. "Dr. J. H. Jackson is ineligible for reelection, he was completely repudiated in Denver and will decisively be defeated at Louisville in September." The last National Baptist Convention met in Denver. The next one will meet in Louisville in September. The mails of Senators reflect little public interest in the civil rights fight although the Senate galleries were crowded and it was difficult to walk through the corridors during the first three days until Senator Olin D. Johnston, Democrat of South Carolina, arose late Wednesday afternoon to speak. Johnston succeeded in empting the galleries. Even reporters walked out and stayed out until he relinquished the floor about 5 o'clock the next afternoon. There was a quorum call, after which Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, the Democratic Senate leader, announced that he would try to get a unanimous consent agreement for voting on the motion of Senator William F. Knowland, of California, the GOP Senate leader, to take up the bill. As soon as Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, of Mississippi, was recognized to begin a lengthy harangue against the bill, reporters again left the chamber. One Senator's office reported that it had received during the week of July 1 only 10 letters on civil rights—four for civil rights four for civil right and six against. This rated unfavorably with 207 letter on postal pay legislation during the same Period. The only serious defections in civil rights ranks are from the liberal Democratic group. Senators Frank J. Lausche of Ohio, Wayne Morse of Oregon and Joseph C. OMahoney of Wyoming have not altogether abandoned liberal Democrats on the civil rights issue—they voted against bypassing the Senate Judiciary Committee with the House-approved bill—but they're giving an awful lot of comfort and add to the Dixiecrats. Lauche has engaged in learned discussions with Senator Sam J. Ervin, Democrat, of North Carolina, author of the jury trial amend ment, about jurisdiction existing in courts of law and courts of equity in England and whether the provision in the United States Constitution guaranteeing jury trials in criminal prosecutions and in lawsuits where the amount in controversy is $20 or more was derived from England concepts of law and equity jurisdiction. Ervin's fear, Lausche Lausche summed up their exchange, is that "the ancient rules which protect the individual in a court of law and which do not entrust his rights to the whims and caprices of the judge in equity, will be violated and will be circumvented by the expansion of the jurisdiction in equity." Boiled down that language means that Lausche is getting ready to vote for a trial by jury in civil rights contempt cases, which would permit southern white men to go on depriving colored persons of the right to vote violating their other civil rights and even murdering and kidnapping them, as Mississippi peckerwoods did the Till boy and go scot free. Its dollars to donu's that exSenator George H. Bender, whom Lausche defeated in 1956, would be found in no such compromising position with Dixiecrats. Incidentally, Senator Richard B. Russell of Georgia, leader of the southern anti-civil rights bloc, knew his man when he picked Lausche as his favorite candidate for the Democratic nomination for President in 1956. Morse wants the Senate to send the House-approved bill to the Senate Judiciary Committee, which Eastland heads and which has been the graveyard of civil rights legislation, with instructions that it be reported back to the Senate in two weeks. The rub in his proposal is that he can only make his motion to do that after the Senate adopts Knowland's motion making the Houseapproved bill the unfinished busi ness of the Senate. If the Morse motion prevailed after the committee returned the bill, it would be placed on the Senate calendar and the Senate would have to go through another fillbuster to get it made the unfinished business. Morse, however, has a good record over the years on civil rights matters and is expected to vote against a jury trial amendment and for the Administration bill. O'Mahoney has offered a jury trial amendment but he won't say whether he will vote to limit debate on the bill if his amendment is accepted. Dr. Clarence (Spoof) Greene, brain surgeon, has been hospitalized at Freedmen's for about two weeks. The hospital reports that he is doing nicely and his condition is improving. George G. Fleming, treasurer of the District of Columbia Home Rule Committee, was one of the six home rule advocates to whom President Eisenhower suggested a campaign to arouse grass roots support for their cause when they called at the White House last week. RIGHTS REACTION PRESIDENT EISENHOWER has invited Althea Gibson, the new world tennis queen, to come in and see him whenever she is in Washington. The column a week ago concerning Dr. Joseph H. Jackson, president of the National Baptist Convention, USA Inc., brought an immediate reaction. A telegarm from Dr. Roland Smith, pastor of the First Baptist Church, Little Rock, Ark., and secretary of the National Baptist Training Union Board, Nashville, Tenn., changed that the column contained "a number of inaccuracies with reference to the tenure issue, prospective candidates and convention information." Dr. Jackson is rounding out his fourth term as president of the Convention and if the tenure law is valid, he may not succeed himself. If it was not legally adopted, as some members of the Convention assert, or if it was legally adopted and subsequently "lifted" by resolution, as is also claimed, then he is eligible to succeed himself. "Obviously you did not have the benefit of basic factual resources in preparing your account," Dr. Smith said, adding: "Suggest that you re-check the statements used with other Baptist leaders who know the facts. The constitution of the "National Baptist Convention is clear on tenure. "Dr. J. H. Jackson is ineligible for reelection, he was completely repudiated in Denver and will decisively be defeated at Louisville in September." The last National Baptist Convention met in Denver. The next one will meet in Louisville in September. The mails of Senators reflect little public interest in the civil rights fight although the Senate galleries were crowded and it was difficult to walk through the corridors during the first three days until Senator Olin D. Johnston, Democrat of South Carolina, arose late Wednesday afternoon to speak. Johnston succeeded in empting the galleries. Even reporters walked out and stayed out until he relinquished the floor about 5 o'clock the next afternoon. There was a quorum call, after which Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, the Democratic Senate leader, announced that he would try to get a unanimous consent agreement for voting on the motion of Senator William F. Knowland, of California, the GOP Senate leader, to take up the bill. As soon as Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, of Mississippi, was recognized to begin a lengthy harangue against the bill, reporters again left the chamber. One Senator's office reported that it had received during the week of July 1 only 10 letters on civil rights—four for civil rights four for civil right and six against. This rated unfavorably with 207 letter on postal pay legislation during the same Period. The only serious defections in civil rights ranks are from the liberal Democratic group. Senators Frank J. Lausche of Ohio, Wayne Morse of Oregon and Joseph C. OMahoney of Wyoming have not altogether abandoned liberal Democrats on the civil rights issue—they voted against bypassing the Senate Judiciary Committee with the House-approved bill—but they're giving an awful lot of comfort and add to the Dixiecrats. Lauche has engaged in learned discussions with Senator Sam J. Ervin, Democrat, of North Carolina, author of the jury trial amend ment, about jurisdiction existing in courts of law and courts of equity in England and whether the provision in the United States Constitution guaranteeing jury trials in criminal prosecutions and in lawsuits where the amount in controversy is $20 or more was derived from England concepts of law and equity jurisdiction. Ervin's fear, Lausche Lausche summed up their exchange, is that "the ancient rules which protect the individual in a court of law and which do not entrust his rights to the whims and caprices of the judge in equity, will be violated and will be circumvented by the expansion of the jurisdiction in equity." Boiled down that language means that Lausche is getting ready to vote for a trial by jury in civil rights contempt cases, which would permit southern white men to go on depriving colored persons of the right to vote violating their other civil rights and even murdering and kidnapping them, as Mississippi peckerwoods did the Till boy and go scot free. Its dollars to donu's that exSenator George H. Bender, whom Lausche defeated in 1956, would be found in no such compromising position with Dixiecrats. Incidentally, Senator Richard B. Russell of Georgia, leader of the southern anti-civil rights bloc, knew his man when he picked Lausche as his favorite candidate for the Democratic nomination for President in 1956. Morse wants the Senate to send the House-approved bill to the Senate Judiciary Committee, which Eastland heads and which has been the graveyard of civil rights legislation, with instructions that it be reported back to the Senate in two weeks. The rub in his proposal is that he can only make his motion to do that after the Senate adopts Knowland's motion making the Houseapproved bill the unfinished busi ness of the Senate. If the Morse motion prevailed after the committee returned the bill, it would be placed on the Senate calendar and the Senate would have to go through another fillbuster to get it made the unfinished business. Morse, however, has a good record over the years on civil rights matters and is expected to vote against a jury trial amendment and for the Administration bill. O'Mahoney has offered a jury trial amendment but he won't say whether he will vote to limit debate on the bill if his amendment is accepted. Dr. Clarence (Spoof) Greene, brain surgeon, has been hospitalized at Freedmen's for about two weeks. The hospital reports that he is doing nicely and his condition is improving. George G. Fleming, treasurer of the District of Columbia Home Rule Committee, was one of the six home rule advocates to whom President Eisenhower suggested a campaign to arouse grass roots support for their cause when they called at the White House last week. LEARNED DISCUSSIONS PRESIDENT EISENHOWER has invited Althea Gibson, the new world tennis queen, to come in and see him whenever she is in Washington. The column a week ago concerning Dr. Joseph H. Jackson, president of the National Baptist Convention, USA Inc., brought an immediate reaction. A telegarm from Dr. Roland Smith, pastor of the First Baptist Church, Little Rock, Ark., and secretary of the National Baptist Training Union Board, Nashville, Tenn., changed that the column contained "a number of inaccuracies with reference to the tenure issue, prospective candidates and convention information." Dr. Jackson is rounding out his fourth term as president of the Convention and if the tenure law is valid, he may not succeed himself. If it was not legally adopted, as some members of the Convention assert, or if it was legally adopted and subsequently "lifted" by resolution, as is also claimed, then he is eligible to succeed himself. "Obviously you did not have the benefit of basic factual resources in preparing your account," Dr. Smith said, adding: "Suggest that you re-check the statements used with other Baptist leaders who know the facts. The constitution of the "National Baptist Convention is clear on tenure. "Dr. J. H. Jackson is ineligible for reelection, he was completely repudiated in Denver and will decisively be defeated at Louisville in September." The last National Baptist Convention met in Denver. The next one will meet in Louisville in September. The mails of Senators reflect little public interest in the civil rights fight although the Senate galleries were crowded and it was difficult to walk through the corridors during the first three days until Senator Olin D. Johnston, Democrat of South Carolina, arose late Wednesday afternoon to speak. Johnston succeeded in empting the galleries. Even reporters walked out and stayed out until he relinquished the floor about 5 o'clock the next afternoon. There was a quorum call, after which Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, the Democratic Senate leader, announced that he would try to get a unanimous consent agreement for voting on the motion of Senator William F. Knowland, of California, the GOP Senate leader, to take up the bill. As soon as Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, of Mississippi, was recognized to begin a lengthy harangue against the bill, reporters again left the chamber. One Senator's office reported that it had received during the week of July 1 only 10 letters on civil rights—four for civil rights four for civil right and six against. This rated unfavorably with 207 letter on postal pay legislation during the same Period. The only serious defections in civil rights ranks are from the liberal Democratic group. Senators Frank J. Lausche of Ohio, Wayne Morse of Oregon and Joseph C. OMahoney of Wyoming have not altogether abandoned liberal Democrats on the civil rights issue—they voted against bypassing the Senate Judiciary Committee with the House-approved bill—but they're giving an awful lot of comfort and add to the Dixiecrats. Lauche has engaged in learned discussions with Senator Sam J. Ervin, Democrat, of North Carolina, author of the jury trial amend ment, about jurisdiction existing in courts of law and courts of equity in England and whether the provision in the United States Constitution guaranteeing jury trials in criminal prosecutions and in lawsuits where the amount in controversy is $20 or more was derived from England concepts of law and equity jurisdiction. Ervin's fear, Lausche Lausche summed up their exchange, is that "the ancient rules which protect the individual in a court of law and which do not entrust his rights to the whims and caprices of the judge in equity, will be violated and will be circumvented by the expansion of the jurisdiction in equity." Boiled down that language means that Lausche is getting ready to vote for a trial by jury in civil rights contempt cases, which would permit southern white men to go on depriving colored persons of the right to vote violating their other civil rights and even murdering and kidnapping them, as Mississippi peckerwoods did the Till boy and go scot free. Its dollars to donu's that exSenator George H. Bender, whom Lausche defeated in 1956, would be found in no such compromising position with Dixiecrats. Incidentally, Senator Richard B. Russell of Georgia, leader of the southern anti-civil rights bloc, knew his man when he picked Lausche as his favorite candidate for the Democratic nomination for President in 1956. Morse wants the Senate to send the House-approved bill to the Senate Judiciary Committee, which Eastland heads and which has been the graveyard of civil rights legislation, with instructions that it be reported back to the Senate in two weeks. The rub in his proposal is that he can only make his motion to do that after the Senate adopts Knowland's motion making the Houseapproved bill the unfinished busi ness of the Senate. If the Morse motion prevailed after the committee returned the bill, it would be placed on the Senate calendar and the Senate would have to go through another fillbuster to get it made the unfinished business. Morse, however, has a good record over the years on civil rights matters and is expected to vote against a jury trial amendment and for the Administration bill. O'Mahoney has offered a jury trial amendment but he won't say whether he will vote to limit debate on the bill if his amendment is accepted. Dr. Clarence (Spoof) Greene, brain surgeon, has been hospitalized at Freedmen's for about two weeks. The hospital reports that he is doing nicely and his condition is improving. George G. Fleming, treasurer of the District of Columbia Home Rule Committee, was one of the six home rule advocates to whom President Eisenhower suggested a campaign to arouse grass roots support for their cause when they called at the White House last week. BACK TO GRAVEYARD PRESIDENT EISENHOWER has invited Althea Gibson, the new world tennis queen, to come in and see him whenever she is in Washington. The column a week ago concerning Dr. Joseph H. Jackson, president of the National Baptist Convention, USA Inc., brought an immediate reaction. A telegarm from Dr. Roland Smith, pastor of the First Baptist Church, Little Rock, Ark., and secretary of the National Baptist Training Union Board, Nashville, Tenn., changed that the column contained "a number of inaccuracies with reference to the tenure issue, prospective candidates and convention information." Dr. Jackson is rounding out his fourth term as president of the Convention and if the tenure law is valid, he may not succeed himself. If it was not legally adopted, as some members of the Convention assert, or if it was legally adopted and subsequently "lifted" by resolution, as is also claimed, then he is eligible to succeed himself. "Obviously you did not have the benefit of basic factual resources in preparing your account," Dr. Smith said, adding: "Suggest that you re-check the statements used with other Baptist leaders who know the facts. The constitution of the "National Baptist Convention is clear on tenure. "Dr. J. H. Jackson is ineligible for reelection, he was completely repudiated in Denver and will decisively be defeated at Louisville in September." The last National Baptist Convention met in Denver. The next one will meet in Louisville in September. The mails of Senators reflect little public interest in the civil rights fight although the Senate galleries were crowded and it was difficult to walk through the corridors during the first three days until Senator Olin D. Johnston, Democrat of South Carolina, arose late Wednesday afternoon to speak. Johnston succeeded in empting the galleries. Even reporters walked out and stayed out until he relinquished the floor about 5 o'clock the next afternoon. There was a quorum call, after which Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, the Democratic Senate leader, announced that he would try to get a unanimous consent agreement for voting on the motion of Senator William F. Knowland, of California, the GOP Senate leader, to take up the bill. As soon as Senator James O. Eastland, Dixiecrat, of Mississippi, was recognized to begin a lengthy harangue against the bill, reporters again left the chamber. One Senator's office reported that it had received during the week of July 1 only 10 letters on civil rights—four for civil rights four for civil right and six against. This rated unfavorably with 207 letter on postal pay legislation during the same Period. The only serious defections in civil rights ranks are from the liberal Democratic group. Senators Frank J. Lausche of Ohio, Wayne Morse of Oregon and Joseph C. OMahoney of Wyoming have not altogether abandoned liberal Democrats on the civil rights issue—they voted against bypassing the Senate Judiciary Committee with the House-approved bill—but they're giving an awful lot of comfort and add to the Dixiecrats. Lauche has engaged in learned discussions with Senator Sam J. Ervin, Democrat, of North Carolina, author of the jury trial amend ment, about jurisdiction existing in courts of law and courts of equity in England and whether the provision in the United States Constitution guaranteeing jury trials in criminal prosecutions and in lawsuits where the amount in controversy is $20 or more was derived from England concepts of law and equity jurisdiction. Ervin's fear, Lausche Lausche summed up their exchange, is that "the ancient rules which protect the individual in a court of law and which do not entrust his rights to the whims and caprices of the judge in equity, will be violated and will be circumvented by the expansion of the jurisdiction in equity." Boiled down that language means that Lausche is getting ready to vote for a trial by jury in civil rights contempt cases, which would permit southern white men to go on depriving colored persons of the right to vote violating their other civil rights and even murdering and kidnapping them, as Mississippi peckerwoods did the Till boy and go scot free. Its dollars to donu's that exSenator George H. Bender, whom Lausche defeated in 1956, would be found in no such compromising position with Dixiecrats. Incidentally, Senator Richard B. Russell of Georgia, leader of the southern anti-civil rights bloc, knew his man when he picked Lausche as his favorite candidate for the Democratic nomination for President in 1956. Morse wants the Senate to send the House-approved bill to the Senate Judiciary Committee, which Eastland heads and which has been the graveyard of civil rights legislation, with instructions that it be reported back to the Senate in two weeks. The rub in his proposal is that he can only make his motion to do that after the Senate adopts Knowland's motion making the Houseapproved bill the unfinished busi ness of the Senate. If the Morse motion prevailed after the committee returned the bill, it would be placed on the Senate calendar and the Senate would have to go through another fillbuster to get it made the unfinished business. Morse, however, has a good record over the years on civil rights matters and is expected to vote against a jury trial amendment and for the Administration bill. O'Mahoney has offered a jury trial amendment but he won't say whether he will vote to limit debate on the bill if his amendment is accepted. Dr. Clarence (Spoof) Greene, brain surgeon, has been hospitalized at Freedmen's for about two weeks. The hospital reports that he is doing nicely and his condition is improving. George G. Fleming, treasurer of the District of Columbia Home Rule Committee, was one of the six home rule advocates to whom President Eisenhower suggested a campaign to arouse grass roots support for their cause when they called at the White House last week. SEEING and SAYING BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor — Atlanta Daily World THE MARVELS of this age are fascinating. Man has done wonders with machines which abound on land, sea and air. Even Jules Verne, who had the unusual foresight of peering into the future from his ancient perch, would be amazed at the precision-made airliners, which whisk their luxuriously comfortable passengers through constantly diminishing space. HE WOULD BE awed by atom-powered submarines, which can travel thousands of miles without ever surfacing; by steamships which go to every corner of the earth, their riders enjoying every luxury of land-bound hotels, which in themselves compare to Babylon as a mountain over a mole-hill. But, outside these physical improvements which find man even ready to cast off for a real visit to the moon, Jules would be perfectly at home with us. Verne would not have the immediate capacity of our harnessed electric giants and playthings. He would ask over and over again while watching wonderful television: "How do they do it?" "How .... Why Do They Do It?" BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor — Atlanta Daily World THE MARVELS of this age are fascinating. Man has done wonders with machines which abound on land, sea and air. Even Jules Verne, who had the unusual foresight of peering into the future from his ancient perch, would be amazed at the precision-made airliners, which whisk their luxuriously comfortable passengers through constantly diminishing space. HE WOULD BE awed by atom-powered submarines, which can travel thousands of miles without ever surfacing; by steamships which go to every corner of the earth, their riders enjoying every luxury of land-bound hotels, which in themselves compare to Babylon as a mountain over a mole-hill. But, outside these physical improvements which find man even ready to cast off for a real visit to the moon, Jules would be perfectly at home with us. Verne would not have the immediate capacity of our harnessed electric giants and playthings. He would ask over and over again while watching wonderful television: "How do they do it?" REVIEWING THE NEWS BY WILLIAM GORDON The British have been known to rile us. Much of this has been due to our rude manners, our lack of interest in cultural things, and more recently, our apathy in government. "Your country was born during the Industrial Revolution," one English editor said. "Much of this accounts for your brashness, your weird tastes for material things and practices, such as the peculiar colors you give automobiles, your dress, and the often senseless manner in which you conduct yourselves abroad," another said. Ever since the days of Mrs. Frances Trollope, British novelist, (1780-1863), we have been the target of rigid and often, justifiable criticism. Her first book, "Domestic Manners of Americans," dealt sharply with our habits and the kind of company we sometimes keep. She followed with "The Widow of Barnaby and Petticoat Government," the latter being appropriate today for one taking a critical took at the present drama in Washington and state governments in the South. More recently, there have been other foreign visitors, thousands of them, who write letters back home, telling of our way of life, the struggles for human rights by minorities and the wilful and stubborn opposition to these rights. "Southerners should see so me of the stories these people write," said a high federal government official recently. "It would be enough to convert a lot of people; and to convince some, that time is running out on our so-called democratic ideals and declaration of freedom. We must act as free men if we are to lead the free world." There was satire in the writings of early foreign visitors to this country. Today, their observations are more sinister, bordering on probity. Human freedom is at stake, and the feeling is universal in scope. Today's foreign visitors and writers deal with incidents like the right to vote. They have analyzed fully, the Montgomery bus case, the Supreme Court's decision against segregation in the public schools and the acts of defiance by so-called economic pressure groups. They are writing about the bill drawn up by Alabama legislators to cut Macon County, Ala. into five pieces to divide the strength of Negro voting. Foreign writers are more familiar with our wrongs than rights. They are writing about Governor Coleman of Mississippi, who said, "Negroes are not ready to vote," and the case of the young Negro lawyer in North Carolina who was fined $500 because he differed with a white woman registrar. Foreign writers and editors are taking us to task on the mass purge of Negro voters in Louisiana. They are writing about the Negro in America as a respectable, law abiding, tax-paying citizen, but who is still being denied entrance to state supported schools because of his color and not character. These writers are dead serious about our social outlook, while our arch enemy, the Kremlin continues to hold up our "damp wash" before the eyes of the world as inconsistent and insincere. Unlike the early writers, we are faced with people who have determined convictions. It would be wise to read some of the letters they write back home. The Letters They Write Back Home BY WILLIAM GORDON The British have been known to rile us. Much of this has been due to our rude manners, our lack of interest in cultural things, and more recently, our apathy in government. "Your country was born during the Industrial Revolution," one English editor said. "Much of this accounts for your brashness, your weird tastes for material things and practices, such as the peculiar colors you give automobiles, your dress, and the often senseless manner in which you conduct yourselves abroad," another said. Ever since the days of Mrs. Frances Trollope, British novelist, (1780-1863), we have been the target of rigid and often, justifiable criticism. Her first book, "Domestic Manners of Americans," dealt sharply with our habits and the kind of company we sometimes keep. She followed with "The Widow of Barnaby and Petticoat Government," the latter being appropriate today for one taking a critical took at the present drama in Washington and state governments in the South. More recently, there have been other foreign visitors, thousands of them, who write letters back home, telling of our way of life, the struggles for human rights by minorities and the wilful and stubborn opposition to these rights. "Southerners should see so me of the stories these people write," said a high federal government official recently. "It would be enough to convert a lot of people; and to convince some, that time is running out on our so-called democratic ideals and declaration of freedom. We must act as free men if we are to lead the free world." There was satire in the writings of early foreign visitors to this country. Today, their observations are more sinister, bordering on probity. Human freedom is at stake, and the feeling is universal in scope. Today's foreign visitors and writers deal with incidents like the right to vote. They have analyzed fully, the Montgomery bus case, the Supreme Court's decision against segregation in the public schools and the acts of defiance by so-called economic pressure groups. They are writing about the bill drawn up by Alabama legislators to cut Macon County, Ala. into five pieces to divide the strength of Negro voting. Foreign writers are more familiar with our wrongs than rights. They are writing about Governor Coleman of Mississippi, who said, "Negroes are not ready to vote," and the case of the young Negro lawyer in North Carolina who was fined $500 because he differed with a white woman registrar. Foreign writers and editors are taking us to task on the mass purge of Negro voters in Louisiana. They are writing about the Negro in America as a respectable, law abiding, tax-paying citizen, but who is still being denied entrance to state supported schools because of his color and not character. These writers are dead serious about our social outlook, while our arch enemy, the Kremlin continues to hold up our "damp wash" before the eyes of the world as inconsistent and insincere. Unlike the early writers, we are faced with people who have determined convictions. It would be wise to read some of the letters they write back home. Scholarship Grants These colleges include such institutions as the University of California, Colgate, Michigan, Oberlin, Radcliffe, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, St. Louis University and Swarthmore. The supplementary scholarships, however, are necessary to bridge the gap between college scholarships, modest parental resources, summer earnings and the students total financial needs. The supplementary grants are a final step in the annual effort of NSSFNS to seek out and help talented Negro high school seniors who might not otherwise continue their education. In the course of this work the organization also assists many hundreds of seniors through its advisory service which brings qualified students together with appropriate colleges. As a result of its efforts, the National Scholarship Service and Fund has helped more than 4,600 Negro students to enter over 300 interracial colleges and universities during the past nine years. Total scholarship aid of over $1,600,000 was secured by NSFNS for these students of which $1,300,000 came from college and other sources and $300,000 in direct supplementary grants. This year NSSFNS counselors screened more than 1,400 high school seniors of whom at least 600 will he attending interracial colleges in September. "A study of past scholarship winners who graduated from college in June reveals that they more than, fulfilled the promise they showed as high school seniors," says Richard L. Plaut, Executive vice-chairman of NSSFNS. NSSFNS officials emphasized that there still is a serious shortage of motivated and qualified college candidates coming from the deprived groups of the nation. To correct this condition, the organisation has supplemented its longstanding program of assisting Negro high school seniors by launching the "Community Talent Search." project aired at helping selected cities uncover and develop gifted youth in their formative years from all deprived groups regardless of race or creed. Georgia, recipients include: James R. Earley, of 1806 Oakmont Drive, Atlanta, attending University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. Clinton, Lyons of 226 Gilbert Manor, Augusta, attending Manhattan College, New York, N. Y. and George N. Williams of 1621 12th Street. Augusta, attending Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, Pa. HELPS TALENTED SENIORS These colleges include such institutions as the University of California, Colgate, Michigan, Oberlin, Radcliffe, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, St. Louis University and Swarthmore. The supplementary scholarships, however, are necessary to bridge the gap between college scholarships, modest parental resources, summer earnings and the students total financial needs. The supplementary grants are a final step in the annual effort of NSSFNS to seek out and help talented Negro high school seniors who might not otherwise continue their education. In the course of this work the organization also assists many hundreds of seniors through its advisory service which brings qualified students together with appropriate colleges. As a result of its efforts, the National Scholarship Service and Fund has helped more than 4,600 Negro students to enter over 300 interracial colleges and universities during the past nine years. Total scholarship aid of over $1,600,000 was secured by NSFNS for these students of which $1,300,000 came from college and other sources and $300,000 in direct supplementary grants. This year NSSFNS counselors screened more than 1,400 high school seniors of whom at least 600 will he attending interracial colleges in September. "A study of past scholarship winners who graduated from college in June reveals that they more than, fulfilled the promise they showed as high school seniors," says Richard L. Plaut, Executive vice-chairman of NSSFNS. NSSFNS officials emphasized that there still is a serious shortage of motivated and qualified college candidates coming from the deprived groups of the nation. To correct this condition, the organisation has supplemented its longstanding program of assisting Negro high school seniors by launching the "Community Talent Search." project aired at helping selected cities uncover and develop gifted youth in their formative years from all deprived groups regardless of race or creed. Georgia, recipients include: James R. Earley, of 1806 Oakmont Drive, Atlanta, attending University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. Clinton, Lyons of 226 Gilbert Manor, Augusta, attending Manhattan College, New York, N. Y. and George N. Williams of 1621 12th Street. Augusta, attending Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, Pa. MEMPHIS WORLD Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition. BYRD TRANSFER COMPANY— Reliable handlers. Quick Service. $3 per room Day or Night— Call BR. 6-3020. FEMALE HELP WANTED WOMEN SEW Easy Ready-cut wrap a-round Aprons home. Earn $26.16 Dozen — Spare Time Write: Accurate MFGR'S, Freeport, N. Y. OH, OH! Willie Mays is having a merry time in the ball yard but what's happening at home shouldn't be printed. But it is — in this month's On The Newsstand Now TRAINING AT FORT BENNING, Ga.— Inspection time is coming up at the 1957 ROTC Summer Camp where more than 1,300 studentcadets representing 26 colleges and universities in five Southeastern states and Puerto Rico ore furthering their leadership training with six weeks, of intensive training. Using the 'buddy' system, these four South Carolina State College students put the 'split-polish' touch to their boots. Cadet Joseph Gamble (2d from R.), son of Henry Gamble, 39 Morris St., Charleston, S. C., gives a helping hand, —to— boot to Cadet Richard Maddox (R), son of B. D. Maddox, 910 West 17th St., Anniston, Ala. Looking on and waiting their turn are Robert D. Ayers, Jr., son of R. D. Ayers, Sr., 131 Loomis St., Chester S. C. (L) and Gilbert Cleckley (2d from L), son of Cora Cleckley, 1330 Edisto Dr., Orangeburg, S. C. United Automobile Workers to formalize into a written agreement with the National League a course of action on discrimination which has been our common practice since our FairPractices and Anti- Discrimination Department was formally established more than ten years ago. The policy of our union since its beginnings, has been to eliminate all forms of discrimination in the plants with which we have collective bargaining agreements. Much progress has been made Wage differentials on the basis of race, creed or color have been entirely eliminated. Except for isolated instances that occur from time to time, discrimination in the matter of promotions and transfers to more desirable jobs has been eliminated. The most glaring instance of continued discriminatory practices is discrimination by management at the hiring gate a process over which, in most instances, we have no direct control. This does not keep us, however, from constantly fighting this evil in our collective bargaining relationships nor from campaigning vigorously for both a national and state and local FEPC laws. "We in the UAW will not rest until we in cooperation with men and organizations of good will in every area of American life, have completely eliminated the ugly practice of discrimination in all its from. "We regard our formal agreement with the Urban League as an important tool and another important step in this continuing crusade. "Hailing" ...... an historic step toward the achievement of equal opportunity for all of our citizens," Urban League President Kheel added; "I am confident that the signing of this agreement marks a new era of partnership between the Urban League and organized labor in the practice of democratic principles in the field of employment. The UAW under Mr. Reuther's dynamic leadership, has shown the way ... and now the Urban League has plans to seek other similar agreements with international unions throughout the country. It is my hope that the Urban League may ultimately fulfill the function of a 'voluntary F. E. P. C. through our 63 offices strategically located in urban centers." The National Urban League with headquarters in New York City, and 63 local affiliates in cities throughout the united States, is a voluntary, non-profit, interracial organization whose major work is devoted to education and improvement of employment and housing conditions, health and welfare services for members of minority groups. "IMPORTANT STEP" to formalize into a written agreement with the National League a course of action on discrimination which has been our common practice since our FairPractices and Anti- Discrimination Department was formally established more than ten years ago. The policy of our union since its beginnings, has been to eliminate all forms of discrimination in the plants with which we have collective bargaining agreements. Much progress has been made Wage differentials on the basis of race, creed or color have been entirely eliminated. Except for isolated instances that occur from time to time, discrimination in the matter of promotions and transfers to more desirable jobs has been eliminated. The most glaring instance of continued discriminatory practices is discrimination by management at the hiring gate a process over which, in most instances, we have no direct control. This does not keep us, however, from constantly fighting this evil in our collective bargaining relationships nor from campaigning vigorously for both a national and state and local FEPC laws. "We in the UAW will not rest until we in cooperation with men and organizations of good will in every area of American life, have completely eliminated the ugly practice of discrimination in all its from. "We regard our formal agreement with the Urban League as an important tool and another important step in this continuing crusade. "Hailing" ...... an historic step toward the achievement of equal opportunity for all of our citizens," Urban League President Kheel added; "I am confident that the signing of this agreement marks a new era of partnership between the Urban League and organized labor in the practice of democratic principles in the field of employment. The UAW under Mr. Reuther's dynamic leadership, has shown the way ... and now the Urban League has plans to seek other similar agreements with international unions throughout the country. It is my hope that the Urban League may ultimately fulfill the function of a 'voluntary F. E. P. C. through our 63 offices strategically located in urban centers." The National Urban League with headquarters in New York City, and 63 local affiliates in cities throughout the united States, is a voluntary, non-profit, interracial organization whose major work is devoted to education and improvement of employment and housing conditions, health and welfare services for members of minority groups. The Brass and the Blue BY JAMES KEENE Copyright, 1957, by James Keene, Reprinted by permission of Random House, Inc. (King Features Syndicate) BEFORE the bugler sounded evening mess call, Emil Schwabacker's father appeared with Henrietta Brubaker Schwabacker ushered them into his room and handed Henrietta into a chair, then took one across from her. Doctor Gustave Schwabacker declined to sit, preferring to stand with his cigar eddying smoke around his face. "Perhaps you would care to explain this hideo affair of your arrest," he said. "Emil, an explanation is due me. "I suppose it is," Schwabacker said, but suddenly wondered, as he had always wondered, how to explain the obvious, the small things that always guided a man in making the ultimate decision He looked at Henrietta. "Do you want an explanation too?" "No," she said. "Emil, dishonor isn't in you." "Thank you. That's all that really matters." He looked then at his father. "Why did you come, sir." "Because it isn't fitting for an unmarried woman to travel alone. She has no father or brothers." This angered Emil Schwabacker beyond reason. Slowly he stood erect and in the calmest of voices said, "Please get out, sir." Doctor Gustave Schwabacker took the cigar from his mouth. "What did you say to me?" "I said get out, sir! Get out now and leave me alone." His father stared unbelievingly, then angrily stomped out. Henrietta Brubaker sat with her hands folded in her lap, her heart-shaped face serious and somewhat worried: Concern pulled the bow of her mouth down. "Why did you do that, Emil? Because of what he said?" "Because I've had enough," he said. He took her hands and kissed her gently. "Sweetheart, I've just found out that I can't talk to him. What can I explain that he'll listen to?" "He's your father, Emil." "I know." He released her hands and went to the window. The mess boy was coming toward the quarters with a towel-covered tray. Schwabacker opened the door, took it from him and placed it on the writing desk. Schwabacker could have apologized for the service, and perhaps the quality of the meal itself, but he did not. "After his appetite was blunted, he put his fork aside and said, "Once I ran from him; that might have been a mistake. I don't think it was, Henrietta." "But you're a doctor, Emil." "And not a soldier?" He smiled and shook his head. "There you are honestly mistaken. I can soldier, perhaps even better than I can doctor." His smile faded. "At least I believe I can. My position now is hardly a recommendation, is it?" He poured a cup of coffee, then sat with it cradled between his hands. "It's funny, but the more I think of it, the more I realize that Father's right: there's very little I do that is correct." I don't like to hear you talk like that." There was alarm in her voice. "You want the truth, don't you?" "We don't know the truth!" She moved her hand impatiently. "Do you think your father knows the truth about himself? Have you ever been able to make him see himself? Emil, someone else always has to judge us. I think that's because we always judge ourselves too harshly." "I've bungled my military career miserably," he said. "It began the moment I took command of my troop, Henrietta. My victories were petty, and my conceit great. I might have been lucky and escaped all this, but it ran out. I don't know when." "But I love you," she said and cupped his hands in hers. "I came because I wanted to be with you, Emil: we've been apart too long." She regarded him thoughtfully, a small smile tilting up the ends of her lips. "Darling, I don't think you need me if things turn out badly. You've changed and you don't need anyone's strength; you have your own." "I feel that way," he said, "but I didn't want to say it." "Darling, we've never had to explain to each other," she said. "Let's not start now." "With you," he said, "I've never had to explain because you understood instinctively. But with my father, I never could get him to understand how important it is for a man to make his own mistakes." "That's strange," Henrietta said. "I never thought much about it before, but it doesn't matter where a man's mistakes lead him, as long as they are his own." She shook her head, "I'm sorry for your father because he always took matters away from you at the moments when you were ready to make your own decisions. It's a shame because he never saw you grow, and I imagine it's a father's finest reward, to see his son grow into a man." Her dress rustled as she moved near him. Then she cupped his face in her hands and kissed him. "I'll love you more for every mistake you make, Emil. It will be my constant assurance that you're still human." He stood in the doorway while she walked away, and some of the weight lifted from his shoulders. He felt like a free man and he had no right to feel that way. The preliminary talks with the Cheyenne chiefs ended at sundown and the eight-man peace commission went to their quarters, where supper was served with all the pomposity at the command of the Fort Laramie mess sergeant. After the meal, when the dishes had been removed and cigars ignited, the four civilians excused themselves, leav ing four generals alone with one other man, Jim Bridger. "How long you goin' to let th' capt'n stay in arrest, Gener'l Sherman?" There was more than curiosity behind Bridget's remark; there was concern. General Harney asked, "A friend of yours, Mr. Bridger?" "Friend? I never met him, that's a fact; but he don't deserve bein' arrested." "Very peculiar," Sherman said softly. He got up, summoned an orderly and had him dispatched for Colonel Nelson Ashford. Then he turned to Jim Bridger. "It's not like you, Jim, to be so conerned. May I ask why?" "Well," Bridger said, scratching his head, "there ain't no real reason, I guess, 'ceptin' that what he's goin' to get ain't justice." "We're not aware of the charges," General Augur said quickly. "Mr. Bridger, the man hasn't been tried yet; how can we say what he'll get?" "Because you go by that little book of rules!" Bridger said, "Ain't sayin' they're wrong, but there's times when a man's got to bend th' rules a little to fit the case." "The army is not conducted along such flexible lines," General Terry said flatly. "Captain schwabacker will be tried and if found guilty of the charges, whatever they are, will be punished according to regulations." Bridger looked at General William T. Sherman. "You go along with that?" "I'm afraid I must, Jim. If we start changing the rules in the middle of the game ..." Colonel Ashford's arrival prevented the completion of Sherman's comment. Instead, Sherman spoke to Ashford. "Colonel, the arrival of the Indians was a great surprise to me, but I was even more surprised when I asked to meet and congratulate the officer and sergeant who had performed this magnificent job, and had the officer of the day inform me that one was in the guardhouse and the other in arrest of quarters. Colonel, I would like an explanation of this." "Sir, the matter is relatively simple, at least on the surface." Ashford licked his lips, then went on to explain the circumstances surrounding Captain Nathan Kincaid's death, and his widow's subsequent charges of unauthorized surgery performed by Schwabacker. When he finished, Sherman sat frowning. Then he glanced at Harney, Terry and Augur. "Gentlemen, are we agreed that Captain Schwabacker should be released from arrest?" They nodded. Ashford said, "I'll issue the order, sir." "One moment," Sherman said. "The sergeant — why is he confined?" "I don't Know," Ashford said. "The O.D. said he was confined on Captain Schwabacker's orders." "Confusing to say the least," Sherman said with a touch of humor in his voice. "Lucky there was not a corporal among them. The sergeant would have arrested him for something, no doubt." CHAPTER 34 BY JAMES KEENE Copyright, 1957, by James Keene, Reprinted by permission of Random House, Inc. (King Features Syndicate) BEFORE the bugler sounded evening mess call, Emil Schwabacker's father appeared with Henrietta Brubaker Schwabacker ushered them into his room and handed Henrietta into a chair, then took one across from her. Doctor Gustave Schwabacker declined to sit, preferring to stand with his cigar eddying smoke around his face. "Perhaps you would care to explain this hideo affair of your arrest," he said. "Emil, an explanation is due me. "I suppose it is," Schwabacker said, but suddenly wondered, as he had always wondered, how to explain the obvious, the small things that always guided a man in making the ultimate decision He looked at Henrietta. "Do you want an explanation too?" "No," she said. "Emil, dishonor isn't in you." "Thank you. That's all that really matters." He looked then at his father. "Why did you come, sir." "Because it isn't fitting for an unmarried woman to travel alone. She has no father or brothers." This angered Emil Schwabacker beyond reason. Slowly he stood erect and in the calmest of voices said, "Please get out, sir." Doctor Gustave Schwabacker took the cigar from his mouth. "What did you say to me?" "I said get out, sir! Get out now and leave me alone." His father stared unbelievingly, then angrily stomped out. Henrietta Brubaker sat with her hands folded in her lap, her heart-shaped face serious and somewhat worried: Concern pulled the bow of her mouth down. "Why did you do that, Emil? Because of what he said?" "Because I've had enough," he said. He took her hands and kissed her gently. "Sweetheart, I've just found out that I can't talk to him. What can I explain that he'll listen to?" "He's your father, Emil." "I know." He released her hands and went to the window. The mess boy was coming toward the quarters with a towel-covered tray. Schwabacker opened the door, took it from him and placed it on the writing desk. Schwabacker could have apologized for the service, and perhaps the quality of the meal itself, but he did not. "After his appetite was blunted, he put his fork aside and said, "Once I ran from him; that might have been a mistake. I don't think it was, Henrietta." "But you're a doctor, Emil." "And not a soldier?" He smiled and shook his head. "There you are honestly mistaken. I can soldier, perhaps even better than I can doctor." His smile faded. "At least I believe I can. My position now is hardly a recommendation, is it?" He poured a cup of coffee, then sat with it cradled between his hands. "It's funny, but the more I think of it, the more I realize that Father's right: there's very little I do that is correct." I don't like to hear you talk like that." There was alarm in her voice. "You want the truth, don't you?" "We don't know the truth!" She moved her hand impatiently. "Do you think your father knows the truth about himself? Have you ever been able to make him see himself? Emil, someone else always has to judge us. I think that's because we always judge ourselves too harshly." "I've bungled my military career miserably," he said. "It began the moment I took command of my troop, Henrietta. My victories were petty, and my conceit great. I might have been lucky and escaped all this, but it ran out. I don't know when." "But I love you," she said and cupped his hands in hers. "I came because I wanted to be with you, Emil: we've been apart too long." She regarded him thoughtfully, a small smile tilting up the ends of her lips. "Darling, I don't think you need me if things turn out badly. You've changed and you don't need anyone's strength; you have your own." "I feel that way," he said, "but I didn't want to say it." "Darling, we've never had to explain to each other," she said. "Let's not start now." "With you," he said, "I've never had to explain because you understood instinctively. But with my father, I never could get him to understand how important it is for a man to make his own mistakes." "That's strange," Henrietta said. "I never thought much about it before, but it doesn't matter where a man's mistakes lead him, as long as they are his own." She shook her head, "I'm sorry for your father because he always took matters away from you at the moments when you were ready to make your own decisions. It's a shame because he never saw you grow, and I imagine it's a father's finest reward, to see his son grow into a man." Her dress rustled as she moved near him. Then she cupped his face in her hands and kissed him. "I'll love you more for every mistake you make, Emil. It will be my constant assurance that you're still human." He stood in the doorway while she walked away, and some of the weight lifted from his shoulders. He felt like a free man and he had no right to feel that way. The preliminary talks with the Cheyenne chiefs ended at sundown and the eight-man peace commission went to their quarters, where supper was served with all the pomposity at the command of the Fort Laramie mess sergeant. After the meal, when the dishes had been removed and cigars ignited, the four civilians excused themselves, leav ing four generals alone with one other man, Jim Bridger. "How long you goin' to let th' capt'n stay in arrest, Gener'l Sherman?" There was more than curiosity behind Bridget's remark; there was concern. General Harney asked, "A friend of yours, Mr. Bridger?" "Friend? I never met him, that's a fact; but he don't deserve bein' arrested." "Very peculiar," Sherman said softly. He got up, summoned an orderly and had him dispatched for Colonel Nelson Ashford. Then he turned to Jim Bridger. "It's not like you, Jim, to be so conerned. May I ask why?" "Well," Bridger said, scratching his head, "there ain't no real reason, I guess, 'ceptin' that what he's goin' to get ain't justice." "We're not aware of the charges," General Augur said quickly. "Mr. Bridger, the man hasn't been tried yet; how can we say what he'll get?" "Because you go by that little book of rules!" Bridger said, "Ain't sayin' they're wrong, but there's times when a man's got to bend th' rules a little to fit the case." "The army is not conducted along such flexible lines," General Terry said flatly. "Captain schwabacker will be tried and if found guilty of the charges, whatever they are, will be punished according to regulations." Bridger looked at General William T. Sherman. "You go along with that?" "I'm afraid I must, Jim. If we start changing the rules in the middle of the game ..." Colonel Ashford's arrival prevented the completion of Sherman's comment. Instead, Sherman spoke to Ashford. "Colonel, the arrival of the Indians was a great surprise to me, but I was even more surprised when I asked to meet and congratulate the officer and sergeant who had performed this magnificent job, and had the officer of the day inform me that one was in the guardhouse and the other in arrest of quarters. Colonel, I would like an explanation of this." "Sir, the matter is relatively simple, at least on the surface." Ashford licked his lips, then went on to explain the circumstances surrounding Captain Nathan Kincaid's death, and his widow's subsequent charges of unauthorized surgery performed by Schwabacker. When he finished, Sherman sat frowning. Then he glanced at Harney, Terry and Augur. "Gentlemen, are we agreed that Captain Schwabacker should be released from arrest?" They nodded. Ashford said, "I'll issue the order, sir." "One moment," Sherman said. "The sergeant — why is he confined?" "I don't Know," Ashford said. "The O.D. said he was confined on Captain Schwabacker's orders." "Confusing to say the least," Sherman said with a touch of humor in his voice. "Lucky there was not a corporal among them. The sergeant would have arrested him for something, no doubt." Picture Shows from attending classes. Anderson county sheriff Glad Woodward testified he told Clyde Cook and a number of other people at Cook's farm of the federal court injunction. "I talked to them about the injunction and asked them not to violate it," the sheriff said. He added that Cook later came to his office, read the injunction which banned all interference with peaceful integration. Javits Counters civil rights. During his turn before the Upper House. Sen. Javits said that any person "who believes in civil rights must stand by the Supreme Court." He was referring to the high court's decision against school segregation. Julian Oymett commit usury. He sentenced Aymett to four months in the workhouse and fined him $1,000. Werne Was sentenced to 60 days in the workhouse and fined $500 Young Werne was fined $250. The men were convicted as a result of a series of 70 notes of $40 or about a total of $2,800 from Mrs. Viola Davis, 6301 Hamlet Road. Mrs. Davis testified that she signed a contract to obtain an $1895 loan from Aymett. She also said Werne helped her to obtain the loan which was to be used for repairing her home. Werne had contracted to do the repair work.