Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1957-07-03 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-Weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE—Ph. JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Tenn. as second-class mail under the Act of Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES ............ Managing Editor SMITH FLEMING .............. Circulation Manager SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00—6 Months $3.00—3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) The MEMPHIS WORLD is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest of its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. Earnest Efforts To Pass Civil Rights From every indication, it is evident that the Eisenhower Administration is in earnest about passing Civil Rights legislation. Both the President and Vice President have indicated no patience with foot-ball playing with an old ball, or those otherwise who would find something of the texture of this particular legislation upon which to build a fortification for votes. From the very beginning the President made known his intention to see that the right to vote be not abridged. He stressed that a government designed for regulation by the consent of the governed, would lean heavily upon the voters and in that none should be excluded from participation in making known their wishes by the route of the ballot. Vice President Nixon showed his mettle when he ruled in the face of Senator Richard B. Russell, the apparent leader in the Senate against the legislation, that the bill could by-pass the Eastland committee where possibly a grave had already been dug for it, with its winding sheet prepared for a short funeral. This ruling paved the way for a vote on the motion to place the pending bill on the senate calendar for action. This ruling certainty shows to us that the present Vice-President is sincere about Civil Rights. There is no question in our mind that this issue has been used as a political football for many years. But action by the President and leaders of his party and some of the northern Democrats convinces us that the time has come when there is determined and sincere efforts to enact into law legislation to strengthen the position of Civil Rights for colored Americans. The bill has already passed the House by a big margin. As the membership of the two parties are about evenly balanced in the Senate both could take credit for this bill if the southerners could be dissuaded from staging a real filibuster. Under the present rule of the Senate, two filibusters are possible. One on the question to take up the measure, and of course, one of the bill itself. It will require two-thirds of the Senate membership; or 64 votes to stop a filibuster. As we have stated, the bill could pass and both parties receive their respective share of the credit, but if the filibuster develops, the Republicans stand to get more credit politically whether the bill passes or not. In the next ten days the bill is tentatively scheduled for consideration and the voters of the nation will take careful note of what they see and hear. The President And States' Rights Speaking before the national Governors' Conference held in Virginia this week, President Eisenhower called upon the various state governors to consider a plan to strengthen the position of the states. The President is willing for the states to have a greater share of the tax dollars than they are now getting. He also pointed out the need for the states to assume more governmental responsibility and services to be rendered to the citizens. He is seeking to check the drift toward more centralization of government in Washington. This drift has been in effect a long time, and it has accelerated during the past 25 years. The President's position is sound, and we are in agreement with this advice and challenge to the governors. We believe the people who are best governed are those who are least governed. Also the closer government is to the people, the better and more economical it is to all concerned. Moreover, we realize the President thoroughly believes that all Americans should have equal civil rights under the law in all the various states. His record confirms this position, and at the time he made his speech, his party leaders in the Senate were making an effort to start toward enactment of the Civil Rights Bill to further equalize and protect the American citizens of color. Where the civil rights of citizens are concerned, the rights of the various states must be in conformity with the rights of citizens as prescribed by the federal law or those now provided in the federal constitution. After this civil rights question is settled right, we believe more and more citizens can join in the move toward decentralization. It is sound, and the states should accept this principle of equal rights for all citizens in line with the federal law. It is obvious that civil rights cannot be left to the various states. If they were, you would have the situation where citizens in one state would have certain civil rights denied citizens in other states. So, we agree that states' rights should be strengthened in every field, but certain minimum civil rights must be left solely in the hands of federal jurisdiction. We would like to see the southern states get out of the position of being opposed to certain basic civil-rights such, as are embodied in the President's pending bill. Then we all could have more time to give such basic questions as defense, increased industry, more economy and efficiency in government. These are some of the important things crying for attention. VACATION TIME Trying, busy lives such as we live in this rushing stream-line age, must occasionally be intercepted with those recreational periods which make for relaxation, change of scenery and wholesome play. In spite of an atomic era with all its complications and technical procedures, statistic would reveal that men live much longer and look much better and younger than their elders who plodded the old dusty roads and scarred fields of a horse and buggy age. This would of course say that man has really learned how to live; he has made of conditions that were otherwise hazardous and which shortened the lives of our forefathers, the more plausible factors which took the grudgery out of work and turned our homes into interesting places of comfort and convenience. Among the many things making for these changed conditions enhancing the beauty and nobility of life, would certainly be the vacation periods, in which men find a retreat from the grind and heavy Impact of inconvenience. So, this is vacation time, when June comes with its brides and roses and that beauty of landscape, with its rippling streams and singing trees, the minds of men turn to the vacation spree. Since man cannot live by bread alone and has as far as he knows this one span to live, it behooves every one to find time for a vacation period. Forget the cares of work and worry and arrange to take on the spirit of the season. The American people are truly vacation minded. ''All work and no play makes Jack a dull boy" they have found, and one of the basic fundamentals, almost as much of a fixture as the Constitution of the United States itself, is the high regard for vacation time. Industry and business realize this and that is one of the reasons that vacation time is arranged in our schemes and practices from the federal government on down to the office boy who cleans the desks and sweeps the floor. Yes, this is vacation time. Get yours. SEEING and SAYING BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor — Atlanta Daily World THE TALE OF OLD Mother Hubbard is familiar to all. "Many, however, do not have complete understanding of the total social implication of the story. It was refreshened in my memory the other day when a young woman in her early thirties entered the office with a young baby in arms, briny tears flowing down her cheeks. She sobbingly explained that she had seven more at home, the oldest one being nine years old, and that she loved them all. But, her troubles, she wailed, could not buy them bread or shelter for their heads. As she talked on, I found she was really in trouble, much of it of her own makings, but trouble just the same. After talking with a high welfare official, who confirmed that the case is "closed", that he personally sympathized, but could do nothing, for some reason I thought of the Old Lady Who lived In A Shoe. The facts are cold and somewhat repulsive to decent tastes, but still not too easy to dismiss from our thoughts. Especially since the children are blameless, having been born in ignorance and promiscuousness. Since our civilization does hot permit our "useless ones" to be taken out into the fields and shot or dumped over a cliff, can our society just forget them and leave them be? "... So Many Children, She Didn't Know What To Do" BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor — Atlanta Daily World THE TALE OF OLD Mother Hubbard is familiar to all. "Many, however, do not have complete understanding of the total social implication of the story. It was refreshened in my memory the other day when a young woman in her early thirties entered the office with a young baby in arms, briny tears flowing down her cheeks. She sobbingly explained that she had seven more at home, the oldest one being nine years old, and that she loved them all. But, her troubles, she wailed, could not buy them bread or shelter for their heads. As she talked on, I found she was really in trouble, much of it of her own makings, but trouble just the same. After talking with a high welfare official, who confirmed that the case is "closed", that he personally sympathized, but could do nothing, for some reason I thought of the Old Lady Who lived In A Shoe. The facts are cold and somewhat repulsive to decent tastes, but still not too easy to dismiss from our thoughts. Especially since the children are blameless, having been born in ignorance and promiscuousness. Since our civilization does hot permit our "useless ones" to be taken out into the fields and shot or dumped over a cliff, can our society just forget them and leave them be? REVIEWING THE NEWS BY WILLIAM GORDON There's always a strange tone to the sound of the telephone when it rings at midnight. I'd like to describe this one as melodramatic. "They are coming like everything, more like cockroaches," he said. "What disturbs us is where will they live, what will they do if they keep coming? I'm talking about the Puerto Ricans; they are still coming to New York." The voice rang with the tracings of a second or third generation Western European, Polish or, German. He was disturbed; he had to be to talk for more than twenty minutes at his own expense. He said he had called the New York Police Department, which said nothing could be done about the Puerto Ricans coming to New York. When I tried to tell him that they were American citizens and had the right, he brought in the Negro. "Now our Negroes are all right: we are afraid of the Puerto Ricans. They work for less, push us around and nothing is done about it. We white folks must slick together. Remember we took this country away from the Indians. Now the Puerto Ricans may take it away from us. He spoke of clashes between Puerto Ricans and New Yorkers; told how residential areas are becoming vastly overcrowded as a result of the newcomers. Apparently, thinking he was talking to a white man, he kept on saying, "We whites in the north must stick with the whites of the South. Remember, we took it from the Indians." This long-distance call at midnight was sufficient to make one examine some of the implications back of this man's thinking and others who follow his type of reasoning. I recall reading "Color Bar," a book by Margaret Haulsey in which she attempted to explain the deep-seated feelings of northern whites who suddenly wake up to find Negroes and other colored peoples as their neighbors. It was the first time that I learned correctly that prejudice, the segregationist's philosophy is not a Southern phenomenon, but a national feeling that time and education will have to cure. It is true that individual liberty is far more evident in the north, but the Negro cannot ever take too much for granted, no matter where he lives. This makes it far more necessary for him to be on his honor, to cultivate his integrity and refine his manners. This is as necessary on the street corners and it is in the pulpit; as important while driving an automobile as it is sitting before the dinner table. Black folk by pigmentation, are exhibit "A". We have two strikes against us from the start and our daily actions often net us zero at the batter's plate. This lone white man with his telephone call was disturbed over the color problem. His disturbance should be our serious concern. As the color bar crumbles and people of various racial groups move closer to the point of social acceptance, there are bound to be more phone calls from the North and some will be made before midnight. When The Phone Rang At Midnight . . . BY WILLIAM GORDON There's always a strange tone to the sound of the telephone when it rings at midnight. I'd like to describe this one as melodramatic. "They are coming like everything, more like cockroaches," he said. "What disturbs us is where will they live, what will they do if they keep coming? I'm talking about the Puerto Ricans; they are still coming to New York." The voice rang with the tracings of a second or third generation Western European, Polish or, German. He was disturbed; he had to be to talk for more than twenty minutes at his own expense. He said he had called the New York Police Department, which said nothing could be done about the Puerto Ricans coming to New York. When I tried to tell him that they were American citizens and had the right, he brought in the Negro. "Now our Negroes are all right: we are afraid of the Puerto Ricans. They work for less, push us around and nothing is done about it. We white folks must slick together. Remember we took this country away from the Indians. Now the Puerto Ricans may take it away from us. He spoke of clashes between Puerto Ricans and New Yorkers; told how residential areas are becoming vastly overcrowded as a result of the newcomers. Apparently, thinking he was talking to a white man, he kept on saying, "We whites in the north must stick with the whites of the South. Remember, we took it from the Indians." This long-distance call at midnight was sufficient to make one examine some of the implications back of this man's thinking and others who follow his type of reasoning. I recall reading "Color Bar," a book by Margaret Haulsey in which she attempted to explain the deep-seated feelings of northern whites who suddenly wake up to find Negroes and other colored peoples as their neighbors. It was the first time that I learned correctly that prejudice, the segregationist's philosophy is not a Southern phenomenon, but a national feeling that time and education will have to cure. It is true that individual liberty is far more evident in the north, but the Negro cannot ever take too much for granted, no matter where he lives. This makes it far more necessary for him to be on his honor, to cultivate his integrity and refine his manners. This is as necessary on the street corners and it is in the pulpit; as important while driving an automobile as it is sitting before the dinner table. Black folk by pigmentation, are exhibit "A". We have two strikes against us from the start and our daily actions often net us zero at the batter's plate. This lone white man with his telephone call was disturbed over the color problem. His disturbance should be our serious concern. As the color bar crumbles and people of various racial groups move closer to the point of social acceptance, there are bound to be more phone calls from the North and some will be made before midnight. ILLINOIS HOUSE AND SENATE WOULD AMEND CONSTITUTION The Illinois House and Senate reached agreement Thursday on a controversial proposal to amend the state constitution and reorganize the Illinois court system. Both Houses voted to adopt a conference committee's report settling differences between the Senate and House, versions of the Senate Joint Resolution 47 and thus sent the proposal to the people for consideration in a referendum at the 1958 general election. Only a simple majority of the votes cast in the 1958 election will be required to amend the constitution, a change that has been sought since 1951. The House, voted 146 to 22 to support the committee's report and eliminated an amendment to the resolution tacked on by Rep. Paul Powell (D) Vienna that would have split the Supreme Court judicial District into Cook County and downstate districts on the selection and tenure of judges. As the resolution was adopted, the question of selection and tenure was left to future general as semblies with a single majority of voters controlling the outcome. Sen. Fred Smith (D) Chicago saved the judicial article amendment proposal when supporters of the resolution had only 38 votes for it in the Senate, one less than required for passage. Smith, who had opposed the judicial article, then switched and threw in his vote to give the proposal the required 39 votes for passage. DOWNSTATE The Illinois House and Senate reached agreement Thursday on a controversial proposal to amend the state constitution and reorganize the Illinois court system. Both Houses voted to adopt a conference committee's report settling differences between the Senate and House, versions of the Senate Joint Resolution 47 and thus sent the proposal to the people for consideration in a referendum at the 1958 general election. Only a simple majority of the votes cast in the 1958 election will be required to amend the constitution, a change that has been sought since 1951. The House, voted 146 to 22 to support the committee's report and eliminated an amendment to the resolution tacked on by Rep. Paul Powell (D) Vienna that would have split the Supreme Court judicial District into Cook County and downstate districts on the selection and tenure of judges. As the resolution was adopted, the question of selection and tenure was left to future general as semblies with a single majority of voters controlling the outcome. Sen. Fred Smith (D) Chicago saved the judicial article amendment proposal when supporters of the resolution had only 38 votes for it in the Senate, one less than required for passage. Smith, who had opposed the judicial article, then switched and threw in his vote to give the proposal the required 39 votes for passage. FOR PASSAGE The Illinois House and Senate reached agreement Thursday on a controversial proposal to amend the state constitution and reorganize the Illinois court system. Both Houses voted to adopt a conference committee's report settling differences between the Senate and House, versions of the Senate Joint Resolution 47 and thus sent the proposal to the people for consideration in a referendum at the 1958 general election. Only a simple majority of the votes cast in the 1958 election will be required to amend the constitution, a change that has been sought since 1951. The House, voted 146 to 22 to support the committee's report and eliminated an amendment to the resolution tacked on by Rep. Paul Powell (D) Vienna that would have split the Supreme Court judicial District into Cook County and downstate districts on the selection and tenure of judges. As the resolution was adopted, the question of selection and tenure was left to future general as semblies with a single majority of voters controlling the outcome. Sen. Fred Smith (D) Chicago saved the judicial article amendment proposal when supporters of the resolution had only 38 votes for it in the Senate, one less than required for passage. Smith, who had opposed the judicial article, then switched and threw in his vote to give the proposal the required 39 votes for passage. MEALTIME MELODIES Even in the heat of summer, hearty meals must be prepared for hungry families. But casseroles can make the cooking easier. This casserole features one of the most plentiful foods — cheese, according to the U. S. Department of Agriculture. 2 1/2 cups grated raw carrots 3/4 cup boiling water 3 eggs, beaten 1 1/2 tablespoons melted butter. 2 cups cooked rice 1 tablespoon chopped onion 1 1/2 cups chredded cheese 1/2 teaspoon salt 1/2 teaspoon worcestershire sauce Parboil grated raw carrots 5 minutes in boiling water. Drain well and save liquid to use in the sauce. Combine all ingredients, blending well. Pour into well-greased baking dish or casserole. Set in pan of hot water and bake at 325° F (slow oven) for 30 minutes or until set. Serve with a white sauce with cooked green peas added. Six servings. Ice cream and cake — as welcome as the coolest lake breeze on a hot summer day. Try this colorful Choco-mint Angel cake the next time you want to serve a picturepretty dessert. It's easy to prepare and requires only peppermint and chocolate ice cream, an angel food cake from your grocer's ready-toeat cake department, and chopped peppermint candy. Pack the center of the angel food ring with chocolate ice cream, and spread softened peppermint ice cream over the top and sides of the cake. Eliminate last minute dessert problems by preparing your Chocomint Angel Cake well in advance and freezing until time to serve. Here's the recipe. 1 round angel food cake 1 1/2 pints chocolate ice cream 3 pints peppermint stick ice cream 1 cup chopped peppermint stick candy, if desired Place angel food cake, on cooky sheet covered with waxed paper. Pack chocolate ice cream into center of ring. Place in freezer to harden ice cream. When firm, remove waxed paper and place on serving dish. Quickly spread top and sides of cake with slightly softened peppermint stick ice cream. Return cake to freezer to harden. When ice cream is firm decorate cake as desired with chopped peppermint stick candy. Store in freezer until ready to serve. Makes 10 to 12 servings. CARROT-CHEESE-RICE CASSEROLE Even in the heat of summer, hearty meals must be prepared for hungry families. But casseroles can make the cooking easier. This casserole features one of the most plentiful foods — cheese, according to the U. S. Department of Agriculture. 2 1/2 cups grated raw carrots 3/4 cup boiling water 3 eggs, beaten 1 1/2 tablespoons melted butter. 2 cups cooked rice 1 tablespoon chopped onion 1 1/2 cups chredded cheese 1/2 teaspoon salt 1/2 teaspoon worcestershire sauce Parboil grated raw carrots 5 minutes in boiling water. Drain well and save liquid to use in the sauce. Combine all ingredients, blending well. Pour into well-greased baking dish or casserole. Set in pan of hot water and bake at 325° F (slow oven) for 30 minutes or until set. Serve with a white sauce with cooked green peas added. Six servings. Ice cream and cake — as welcome as the coolest lake breeze on a hot summer day. Try this colorful Choco-mint Angel cake the next time you want to serve a picturepretty dessert. It's easy to prepare and requires only peppermint and chocolate ice cream, an angel food cake from your grocer's ready-toeat cake department, and chopped peppermint candy. Pack the center of the angel food ring with chocolate ice cream, and spread softened peppermint ice cream over the top and sides of the cake. Eliminate last minute dessert problems by preparing your Chocomint Angel Cake well in advance and freezing until time to serve. Here's the recipe. 1 round angel food cake 1 1/2 pints chocolate ice cream 3 pints peppermint stick ice cream 1 cup chopped peppermint stick candy, if desired Place angel food cake, on cooky sheet covered with waxed paper. Pack chocolate ice cream into center of ring. Place in freezer to harden ice cream. When firm, remove waxed paper and place on serving dish. Quickly spread top and sides of cake with slightly softened peppermint stick ice cream. Return cake to freezer to harden. When ice cream is firm decorate cake as desired with chopped peppermint stick candy. Store in freezer until ready to serve. Makes 10 to 12 servings. Miss. Solon Hits Nixon, King Photo A vehement blast last week was levied against Vice President Richard Nixon's taking a photograph shaking hands with Rev. Martin Luther King, by a Mississippi Democratic congressman. Rep. T. Thomas Abernathy assailed the vice president far ''meeting, fraternizing and having his picture taken with Negro radical leaders as part of a Republican plot to control the South with Negro votes." The Dixie congress flayed Nixon GOP national chairman Meade Alcorn, and President Eisenhower as fostering a plan to "reconstruct the South." The pro-segregationist politician said Nixon's photographs with Negroes revealed his ''uncomfortable and conspicious self-consciousness. "You see," he states, "he never associated very much with them until he reached the pinnacle of practical politics and now he has learned to go out of his way for political fraternization and photographing with his newly discovered friends of color." MEMPHIS WORLD Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Editor The Brass and the Blue By JAMES KEENS Copyright, 195, by James Keene. Registered by permission of Random House, Inc., (King Featured Syndicate) THE NIGHT Emil Schwabacker returned to Fort Phil Kearny, on a badly jaded horse, the battle was over. This was the fight, he heard. The United States Army had at last achieved victory over the Sioux. Schwabacker went to headquarters and entered General Wessels' office. The general was not there and an orderly went after him. There was a celebration in the office mess, with Major Powell the hero of the hour. When Wessels arrived, he found Schwabacker slumped down in a chair. "Good God," Wessels said, "I didn't mean for you to turn around and come right back!" Schwabacker tried to stand, but the general pushed him back in the chair. Schwabacker said, "It's my pleasure to report, sir, that approximately nineteen men of Colonel Kinney's command met and defeated over a hundred Cheyennes several miles from Fort Smith." Wessels' mouth dropped open. "What?" He shouted it. "Yes, sir. Colonel Kinney respectfully requests permission to hold at Fort Smith, sir." "What a glorious day for the military!" Weasels began to pace back and forth. "Can it be that we've given the devils a licking? I must get a dispatch off immediately." He went to the door and shouted for the orderly. Schwabacker said, "May I be excused, sir?" "Of course," Wessels said. He was in an expansive mood. "You're relieved of duty for the rest of the week, Captain. And thank you." Schwabacker was too tired, to light the lamp in his quarters. He unbuckled his pistol belt and tossed it on the floor, then tugged off his boots, stretched out, fully clothed, and fell asleep. In the morning, he was knotting his neckerchief when General Wessels' orderly knocked. "Up, sir? The general would like to see you right away." Schwabacker frowned, but the orderly was hurrying along the duck boards. He put on his pistol belt, settled his hat and stepped out into the hot midday sun. A small headache pestered him, but he supposed that was from lack of sleep. As he approached headquarters he saw the dispatch rider leading his horde toward the stable area, and a warning gong sounded in his mind. Wessels was in his office and his jocularity of the night before had completely vanished. He was reading a newspaper and not liking it. "Sit down, Captain," Wessels said and gnawed on a cold cigar. "I've been reading your statements to that reporter, Allistair Davis. Somehow I get the impression that you are better informed on strategy than I am." Wessels sat down and slapped the desk with the paper, "Captain, allow me to inform you that a peace commission is at Fort Laramie. Within a week or ten days, they will dispatch a representative to meet with "the Sioux and Cheyenne leaders, provided Jim Bridger can find them, and hold a preliminary peace parley. Provided of course that your insane comments fail to arouse the politicians!" Weasels spread the paper and read a few passages: "By God, I've been crying my head off for replacements and you sound as if we had the situation well in hand!" He blew through his nose and shook his head. "I can think of a dozen politicians who will take this as gospel. I can already hear them making speeches about how the army is wasting the taxpayers' money. How can the peace commission hope to arrive at any sort of conclusion with the army pulling one way and the politicians pulling the other?" "What can I say, sir?" "I'll say it for you," Wessels snapped. "Captain Schwabacker, you are of this moment relieved of your command and placed on inactive status pending transporttation to Fort Laramie, where equally grave charges await you. Now get out of here and let me think." Leaving General Wessels' office, Schwabacker decided that the weight of command was not nearly as heavy as the weight of dishonor, and that was what he now faced. Alone in his own quarters he tried to hate Allistair Davis, but could not. The man was doing a job any way he could, and if he had been gullible enough to provide the story, then Davis was not to blame. But, how easy it was to lay one's troubles at another man's feet. No, this was his own doing and whatever came of it he would have to accept like a man, without whining or casting blame. He answered mess call in the evening, then went back to his quarters. When Finnegan came in after dark, Schwabacker was asleep, but woke when the sergeant stumbled over a chair. "Light the lamp," Schwabacker said, and Finnegan struck a match. "Heard the news, sor," Finnegan said. "It's all over the post." Schwabacker sat up and rubbed his eyes. "Jocelyn must be pleased. He s his troop back now." "Na, sor, I'd say he wasn't pleased. "I don't get that." "It don't matter, sor." The sergeant toed a chair around and sat down. "What's th' way out?" "No way out," Schwabacker said. "I'm through in the army, Sean. It's Just a matter of time. But there's one thing I'd like to do before it's all over. Yet I'm scared: the thought alone is Frightening enough." "What's that, sor?" Schwabacker looked at him intently. "Find Red Cloud and his Cheyenne friends and sue for peace." He set each word out quietly, like a man handling fragile esgs. Finnegan stared, his mouth agape. "Don't talk me out of it," Schwabacker said. "Sean, understand that there's a time for everything, a moment that makes an eternal difference. A moment that comes and goes, and if a man's not there at the right time, he'll never get another chance. That moment has come and gone for me all my life, but this time I can't let it pass. Red Cloud's hurt, his medicine's backfired into his face. Someone could get away with a peace parley now. Arrange a meeting for a month hence. Get his word. He's an honorable man. Once he gave it, he'd die before he went back on it." "Aye, sor, I agree, but . . ." "No but's, Sean. I know, I wouldn't have authority, but now would they know? It wouldn't matter what I did, as long as I arranged the talks. Don't you understand? If the peace commission waits a couple of weeks, it will be too late!" "Aye. What is it you want me to be doin', sor?" "I've got to have a horse by the water gates. I can sneak out there and cross Piney Creek. After that, it doesn't matter whether the post in aroused or not; they won't come after me." The seriousness of this plan made Finnegan's voice hoarse, "When, sor?" "An hour at the outside," Schwabacker said. "Will you do it, Sean? I have no right to ask." "You've every right,'" Finnegan said, "but there's one catch, sor; I go with you." "No!" "Why not, sor? Jocelyn's goin' to chuck me in th' stockade as soon as he can git a court-martial to sit still. Besides, sor, this is a two-man job." "All right," Schwabacker said. "But no firearms, Sean. Bareback and unarmed." Finnegan nodded. "What time is it, sor?" Schwabacker looked at his watch, "Quarter after seven." "In an hour then," Finnegan said and went out. There was little to do but wait and think. Another foolish move? Emil Schwabacker decided not. If he won, then his defeat would not be pointless; his shame would have some meaning, if only to himself. The hour passed slowly, and in the last remaining minutes Schwabacker straightened his room. Figuring two minutes to walk to the stables, Schwabacker blew out the lamp and stepped outside into, the darkness. From that moment, there was no turning back, yet the thought did not unnerve him. CHAPTER 30 By JAMES KEENS Copyright, 195, by James Keene. Registered by permission of Random House, Inc., (King Featured Syndicate) THE NIGHT Emil Schwabacker returned to Fort Phil Kearny, on a badly jaded horse, the battle was over. This was the fight, he heard. The United States Army had at last achieved victory over the Sioux. Schwabacker went to headquarters and entered General Wessels' office. The general was not there and an orderly went after him. There was a celebration in the office mess, with Major Powell the hero of the hour. When Wessels arrived, he found Schwabacker slumped down in a chair. "Good God," Wessels said, "I didn't mean for you to turn around and come right back!" Schwabacker tried to stand, but the general pushed him back in the chair. Schwabacker said, "It's my pleasure to report, sir, that approximately nineteen men of Colonel Kinney's command met and defeated over a hundred Cheyennes several miles from Fort Smith." Wessels' mouth dropped open. "What?" He shouted it. "Yes, sir. Colonel Kinney respectfully requests permission to hold at Fort Smith, sir." "What a glorious day for the military!" Weasels began to pace back and forth. "Can it be that we've given the devils a licking? I must get a dispatch off immediately." He went to the door and shouted for the orderly. Schwabacker said, "May I be excused, sir?" "Of course," Wessels said. He was in an expansive mood. "You're relieved of duty for the rest of the week, Captain. And thank you." Schwabacker was too tired, to light the lamp in his quarters. He unbuckled his pistol belt and tossed it on the floor, then tugged off his boots, stretched out, fully clothed, and fell asleep. In the morning, he was knotting his neckerchief when General Wessels' orderly knocked. "Up, sir? The general would like to see you right away." Schwabacker frowned, but the orderly was hurrying along the duck boards. He put on his pistol belt, settled his hat and stepped out into the hot midday sun. A small headache pestered him, but he supposed that was from lack of sleep. As he approached headquarters he saw the dispatch rider leading his horde toward the stable area, and a warning gong sounded in his mind. Wessels was in his office and his jocularity of the night before had completely vanished. He was reading a newspaper and not liking it. "Sit down, Captain," Wessels said and gnawed on a cold cigar. "I've been reading your statements to that reporter, Allistair Davis. Somehow I get the impression that you are better informed on strategy than I am." Wessels sat down and slapped the desk with the paper, "Captain, allow me to inform you that a peace commission is at Fort Laramie. Within a week or ten days, they will dispatch a representative to meet with "the Sioux and Cheyenne leaders, provided Jim Bridger can find them, and hold a preliminary peace parley. Provided of course that your insane comments fail to arouse the politicians!" Weasels spread the paper and read a few passages: "By God, I've been crying my head off for replacements and you sound as if we had the situation well in hand!" He blew through his nose and shook his head. "I can think of a dozen politicians who will take this as gospel. I can already hear them making speeches about how the army is wasting the taxpayers' money. How can the peace commission hope to arrive at any sort of conclusion with the army pulling one way and the politicians pulling the other?" "What can I say, sir?" "I'll say it for you," Wessels snapped. "Captain Schwabacker, you are of this moment relieved of your command and placed on inactive status pending transporttation to Fort Laramie, where equally grave charges await you. Now get out of here and let me think." Leaving General Wessels' office, Schwabacker decided that the weight of command was not nearly as heavy as the weight of dishonor, and that was what he now faced. Alone in his own quarters he tried to hate Allistair Davis, but could not. The man was doing a job any way he could, and if he had been gullible enough to provide the story, then Davis was not to blame. But, how easy it was to lay one's troubles at another man's feet. No, this was his own doing and whatever came of it he would have to accept like a man, without whining or casting blame. He answered mess call in the evening, then went back to his quarters. When Finnegan came in after dark, Schwabacker was asleep, but woke when the sergeant stumbled over a chair. "Light the lamp," Schwabacker said, and Finnegan struck a match. "Heard the news, sor," Finnegan said. "It's all over the post." Schwabacker sat up and rubbed his eyes. "Jocelyn must be pleased. He s his troop back now." "Na, sor, I'd say he wasn't pleased. "I don't get that." "It don't matter, sor." The sergeant toed a chair around and sat down. "What's th' way out?" "No way out," Schwabacker said. "I'm through in the army, Sean. It's Just a matter of time. But there's one thing I'd like to do before it's all over. Yet I'm scared: the thought alone is Frightening enough." "What's that, sor?" Schwabacker looked at him intently. "Find Red Cloud and his Cheyenne friends and sue for peace." He set each word out quietly, like a man handling fragile esgs. Finnegan stared, his mouth agape. "Don't talk me out of it," Schwabacker said. "Sean, understand that there's a time for everything, a moment that makes an eternal difference. A moment that comes and goes, and if a man's not there at the right time, he'll never get another chance. That moment has come and gone for me all my life, but this time I can't let it pass. Red Cloud's hurt, his medicine's backfired into his face. Someone could get away with a peace parley now. Arrange a meeting for a month hence. Get his word. He's an honorable man. Once he gave it, he'd die before he went back on it." "Aye, sor, I agree, but . . ." "No but's, Sean. I know, I wouldn't have authority, but now would they know? It wouldn't matter what I did, as long as I arranged the talks. Don't you understand? If the peace commission waits a couple of weeks, it will be too late!" "Aye. What is it you want me to be doin', sor?" "I've got to have a horse by the water gates. I can sneak out there and cross Piney Creek. After that, it doesn't matter whether the post in aroused or not; they won't come after me." The seriousness of this plan made Finnegan's voice hoarse, "When, sor?" "An hour at the outside," Schwabacker said. "Will you do it, Sean? I have no right to ask." "You've every right,'" Finnegan said, "but there's one catch, sor; I go with you." "No!" "Why not, sor? Jocelyn's goin' to chuck me in th' stockade as soon as he can git a court-martial to sit still. Besides, sor, this is a two-man job." "All right," Schwabacker said. "But no firearms, Sean. Bareback and unarmed." Finnegan nodded. "What time is it, sor?" Schwabacker looked at his watch, "Quarter after seven." "In an hour then," Finnegan said and went out. There was little to do but wait and think. Another foolish move? Emil Schwabacker decided not. If he won, then his defeat would not be pointless; his shame would have some meaning, if only to himself. The hour passed slowly, and in the last remaining minutes Schwabacker straightened his room. Figuring two minutes to walk to the stables, Schwabacker blew out the lamp and stepped outside into, the darkness. From that moment, there was no turning back, yet the thought did not unnerve him. Civil Rights Bill Delayed Temporarily The Civil Rights Bill was temporarily held up Monday when the Senate Judiciary Committee voted to lay it aside in order to consider a meat packing anti-trust measure. Southern Senators are expected to continue to fight against the committee's approval of the House bill. Rights bill opponents said their case against the bill would be stronger if the Senate did not get recommendations from the Judiciary committee. WASHINGTON—Discussion of Senate Rule 22 ignited a little fire between Senators Herman Talmadge, Georgia Democrat, and Jacob K. Javits, New York Republican. The Senators comprised a special two-member subcommittee which is studying various plans to change the Senate closure rule to make it easier to get a vote on the Civil Rights Bill and other measures that might draw a Southern filibuster. Rule 22 requires that Senate debate be limited only by 64 votes or a constitutional two-thirds Senate majority. Talmadge held that the rule should not be changed while Javits argued that when Negroes were barred from holding some managerial jobs, they were being denied constitutional rights. When the Southern Senator challenged Javits' statement, Javits said he would supply Talmadge with the names and addresses of 150 such cases which he said were developed at other Congressional hearings. Talmadge agreed that he probably could produce the names but said they didn't have any bearing on Rule 22 anyway. Junta Silences Fignole Newspaper Foi Social (Social Faith), the news paper of ousted provisional president Daniel Fignole, last week was closed by police and half a dozen of its staff members arrested. The seizure was another of a series of moves made by the present military junta which now rules Haiti to crack down on forces loyal to the ousted president. The newspaper has been proclaiming that Fignole "still is a candidate for the presidency of Haiti." Fignole recently fled the country to New York. The junta has promised free elections as soon as order is restored in the troubled Negro republic. Miss. Farmer Slays Airman For Sitting With His Sister For no apparent reason other than the fact that he sat at dinner with his sister, a white Mississippi farmer here last week killed a young Negro airman and then casually called the police to come get him because "I've just killed a Negro." Charged with the murder was Raiford Walton, who confessed he shot and killed 20-year-old Airman Third Class Charles Brown when he found him sitting at a dinner table with the farmer's sister. County Attorney Griffin Norquist said investigators had not established a definite motive in the slaying. He said however, that Raiford had waived a prelimary hearing and was being held in the Yazoo County jail. Norquist said Walton would not explain the incident, and his relatives who witnessed the killing 'Don't want to talk about it." Immigration Quota Of 100 For Ghana President Eisenhower Thursday issued a proclamation fixing the annual immigration quota of 100 for Ghana, the newly independent West African state. The proclamation abolished the annual immigration quota of 100 established in 1952 for the United Nations trust territory of British Togoland, which was incorporated in the new state of Ghana. Tan Stars In Demand At Waldorf-Astoria The parade of ton stars continues with terrific success at the swank Waldorf Astoria. Surprised at the reception of such top notchers as Dorothy Dandridge and Lena Horne, the world famous hotel went whole hog bringing in Sarah Vaughan and Count Basie. The crowds poured in and the cash registers rang a merry tune. Now the management has announced the early appearance of Lionel Hampton and further appearances of the toppers who previously appeared at the Park Avenue Inn. Only sour note —Mr. Winchell who wisecracked on Sarah Vaughan's opening—Harlem turned out enmasse."