Memphis World Memphis World Publishing Co. 1957-07-31 Thaddeus T. Stokes MEMPHIS WORLD AMERICA'S STANDARD RACE JOURNAL The South's Oldest and Leading Colored Semi-weekly Newspaper Published by MEMPHIS WORLD PUBLISHING CO. Every WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY at 546 BEALE — Ph. JA. 6-4030 Member of SCOTT NEWSPAPER SYNDICATE W. A. Scott, II, Founder; C. A. Scott, General Manager Entered in the Post Office at Memphis, Term., as second-class mail under the Act of. Congress, March 1, 1870 THADDEUS T. STOKES Managing Editor MRS. ROSA BROWN BRACY Public Relations and Advertising ALYSON E. WISE Circulation Promotion SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Year $5.00 — 6 Months $2.00 — 3 Months $1.50 (In Advance) is an independent newspaper — non-sectarian and non-partisan, printing news unbiasedly and supporting those things it believes to be of interest to its readers and opposing those things against the interest of its readers. Write The Senators The mass of mail handled and that legion of mail clerks around the departments at Washington would be evidence that the American people not only vote, but they write as well. On the other hand, a look-see into the offices of those sent up to the Congress would suggest that these representatives also know the value in writing. Just how there is going on some revolutionary reactions which must take place in the changes rapidly coming upon the. country and the world. Members of the Congress were never keener before in their sensitivity inquiring into the thoughts of the people. Away from the stage upon which their nomination and subsequent elections might have been set, they would be unaware of the impact of the changes happening between the interim of elections, but for the voice of the people. Those citizens who merely vote and rest upon their laurels should be seriously aroused to another duty, the handmaid of the ballot, the occasional writing those sent up to represent them. Whether a representative is of your liking or not, be he a diehard or a reactionary sensationalist, you should write him I your views. It is obvious that most of the discussions around the Civil Rights bill for the past six weeks relate to the South. The question of voting on the part of some and denial on the part of others is strictly a Southern question. The strategy of the opposition to the Civil Rights bill is a to work for crippling amendments; (b) to prevent a vote on the bill by a filibuster. The South must have 33 votes to defeat a bill to invoke cloture; Senate Rule 22 requires 64 votes to end debate, two thirds of, the present membership of 95. Section Three of the proposed bill has been practically eliminated. This section would have given the U. S. Attorney General the right to initiate enforcement of other Civil Rights such as school desegregation, transportation, etc. But the heart of the bill still remains. This section deals with the right to vote. It would effectively stop interference with our right to vote. It would enable the government to intervene in stopping the arbitrary purging of the names of citizens from the voting lists. It is important that this remaining part of the bill passes. It is upon this voting Civil Right that all other rights more or less rest. The opponents of Civil Rights are arguing that a jury trial should be granted in the case of contempt of a court order regarding voting. The judges now have the power to try contempt cases without a jury and we feel they should retain this right less the prestige and influence of our judicial branch of the government be weakened. We hope our readers will fake cognizance of what is happening in this Rights issue and so express themselves to those who are supporting the bill and also to those who are opposing it. The time has come when we must lake a greater part in helping to remove the barriers to a fuller democracy for all. Let The Churches Be Concerned In this age of an all out struggle for the survival of the American principles upon which rest the free nations of the world today, no institutions about us could make the indelible impact within the command of the churches. Since time immemorial the church has been that resort to which men turned when all else failed. The church is the keeper of the archives of faith and at no time has the church yielded in the struggles that have known; civilization. Ours is a church age, a church land and wherever its lot is. cast, its constituents owe it to the tradition and pattern to be heard from on fronts touching our relations and civic interests. It is well and widely known that a struggle is going on in Washington, in which free people everywhere should be concerned. The last lamp of Liberty unto the feet of the world hangs out in Washington, where this very day there are discussions questioning whether one segment of citizens are entitled to free access in free enterprise and the free circulation, unrestricted in a free society. The churches should have a regular setup for the correlating of questions of state with that of the church. Church members should be aroused to the extent that they memorialize the Congress, write President Eisenhower, Senator Knowland and Senator Nixon as mediums of, encouragement and appreciation of what they are doing-in this' all out struggle for the rights of citizens to enjoy what is enjoined in the Constitution of the United States. Let the churches and the ministers be concerned. They have at their beck and call one of the most powerful weapons within the grasp of man. AME Leaders social harmony with the rest of the Allen faculty and low ranking police officials have created what is said to be interference with the school's faculty by charging the new "professors are left wing. It is reported in AME circles that state education officials have threatened, to withhold teaching Jobs from Allen graduates this year in schools controlled by the state board of education. Reached for comment on the situation Mrs. Andrew W. Simkins, state NAACP, secretary said, "I have discussed this matter at length with many persons, including our state president, James M. Hinton. Speaking for myself and expressing what I naturally believe would be the unfailing reaction of our fellowship throughout the State, I would say that these reports give us great concern in the light of the marked contrast to the position taken heretofore, and the fact that I have always felt free indeed on the campus of Allen University. "If Negro young people in our church and private schools are not to be allowed to think freely and express themselves fully on all issues, where in God's flame can they do so? Who is supposed to control the schools that Negroes support, anyway? "In a registered letter to the Right Rev. I H. Bonner. Bishop of this diocese, I have urged that the unswerving civil rights stand of Allen University." the most outstand ing educational institution in the connection be maintained as it was for years under the militant and dynamic leadership of Bishop Frank Madison Reid in his unrelenting struggle for full citizenship here in South Carolina." MRS. SIMPKINS "SPEAKS HER MIND" social harmony with the rest of the Allen faculty and low ranking police officials have created what is said to be interference with the school's faculty by charging the new "professors are left wing. It is reported in AME circles that state education officials have threatened, to withhold teaching Jobs from Allen graduates this year in schools controlled by the state board of education. Reached for comment on the situation Mrs. Andrew W. Simkins, state NAACP, secretary said, "I have discussed this matter at length with many persons, including our state president, James M. Hinton. Speaking for myself and expressing what I naturally believe would be the unfailing reaction of our fellowship throughout the State, I would say that these reports give us great concern in the light of the marked contrast to the position taken heretofore, and the fact that I have always felt free indeed on the campus of Allen University. "If Negro young people in our church and private schools are not to be allowed to think freely and express themselves fully on all issues, where in God's flame can they do so? Who is supposed to control the schools that Negroes support, anyway? "In a registered letter to the Right Rev. I H. Bonner. Bishop of this diocese, I have urged that the unswerving civil rights stand of Allen University." the most outstand ing educational institution in the connection be maintained as it was for years under the militant and dynamic leadership of Bishop Frank Madison Reid in his unrelenting struggle for full citizenship here in South Carolina." Tuskegee Boycott gomery Fred D. Gray. Patterson claimed his, investigation was ordered "due to the illegal operations of the Tuskegee Civic Association, due to the racial trouble and strife this organization is stirring up in Macon County, and due to certain individuals connected with said organization who have connections with foreign organizations whose purposes and aims are not in the best welfare of this state." The raiders seized handbills of the Tuskegee Civic Association and other literature of the organization, as well as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, in the printing shop operat ed by Julian L. Brown, located near Tuskegee Institute campus. SEEING and SAYING BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor — Atlanta Daily World part of the Washington show last week was me thumping defeat of the $1 ½ billion school construction bill. The ill-starring act de resistance was not the failure of Section III of the Civil Rights Bill, which had been designed to enforce judicially determined national freedoms. After all, those freedoms are already defined in the Constitution and numerous enabling acts. The paramount need is for more enlightened people to reach out and take America's freedoms has full citizens, and for the other segment to acccept and tolerate the same. The South, struggling under the burden of a dual system of schools and teachers, does not have enough classrooms. Despite its burdensome taxes on its regionally lower income, the South still cannot spend enough money on its white and colored citizens to make them as intelligent and as skilled as average citizens of other sections. Both in war and peace, it has been demonstrated that the Southern masses are lowest on the totem pole. It is not surprising, since higher intelligence quotients and skills naturally attract and produce more money, more industry and an all-around better economy and society. The Washington Spectacle. . . BY WILLIAM A. FOWLKES Managing Editor — Atlanta Daily World part of the Washington show last week was me thumping defeat of the $1 ½ billion school construction bill. The ill-starring act de resistance was not the failure of Section III of the Civil Rights Bill, which had been designed to enforce judicially determined national freedoms. After all, those freedoms are already defined in the Constitution and numerous enabling acts. The paramount need is for more enlightened people to reach out and take America's freedoms has full citizens, and for the other segment to acccept and tolerate the same. The South, struggling under the burden of a dual system of schools and teachers, does not have enough classrooms. Despite its burdensome taxes on its regionally lower income, the South still cannot spend enough money on its white and colored citizens to make them as intelligent and as skilled as average citizens of other sections. Both in war and peace, it has been demonstrated that the Southern masses are lowest on the totem pole. It is not surprising, since higher intelligence quotients and skills naturally attract and produce more money, more industry and an all-around better economy and society. REVIEWING THE NEWS BY WILLIAM GORDON A hard working historian in a Southern university recently, observed: "Freedom was not intended for the Negro. The South; crippled by its politics, burdened by ignorance and poverty has accepted the Negro only in the master-servant concept." He was disturbed, perhaps as much as the President, who expressed "disappointment" at the House's refusal to pass the one and a, half-billion dollar school construction' bill because of an amendment to exclude those areas maintaining segregation. "It is nothing they wouldn't resort to, even to keeping themselves in a condition of squalor to dignify the theory of while supremacy:" Action by ignorance, has plagued the South for generations. The President's Civil Rights Bill, being fought in the Senate in true "Southern fashion" is not the first such legislation, favoring the South and the Negro to die out of special interest. The South, which has always been in need of finance and leadership, often casts the "first stone to anything that might appear aggressive. Another school construction bill died last year, under similar conditions. As for back as 1881 Henry W. Blair, a member of the United States Senate from New Hampshire introduced a bill proposed to create funds for Southern education. The idea worked well until someone introduced the motive that the federal government would maintain a hand in affairs, primarily to supervise and see that the Negro got his proper share. Such a move fell against the grain of the South. There were some who viewed education for the Negro as "a dangerous thing." If passed, the bill would have made it possible for more than a million dollars to pass from the Federal Treasury the first year to school authorities of five states, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia. A little less than a million dollars would also go to South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana. But education would have eventually meant freedom, not only to whites, but to Negroes and the bill was defeated. There has been no intention to free the Negro. If Southern Senators meant well, they-would not have to howl about the Civil Rights, irrespective of the amendments. If the South had its house in order, there would be no worry about registration, voting and restrictions. Federal intervention would have, no weight in an area where all is peaceful and serene. Often those who yell the loudest are laboring with a guilt complex. The South falls into this category; there was "no desire for you to be free." Freedom Was Not Intended. . . BY WILLIAM GORDON A hard working historian in a Southern university recently, observed: "Freedom was not intended for the Negro. The South; crippled by its politics, burdened by ignorance and poverty has accepted the Negro only in the master-servant concept." He was disturbed, perhaps as much as the President, who expressed "disappointment" at the House's refusal to pass the one and a, half-billion dollar school construction' bill because of an amendment to exclude those areas maintaining segregation. "It is nothing they wouldn't resort to, even to keeping themselves in a condition of squalor to dignify the theory of while supremacy:" Action by ignorance, has plagued the South for generations. The President's Civil Rights Bill, being fought in the Senate in true "Southern fashion" is not the first such legislation, favoring the South and the Negro to die out of special interest. The South, which has always been in need of finance and leadership, often casts the "first stone to anything that might appear aggressive. Another school construction bill died last year, under similar conditions. As for back as 1881 Henry W. Blair, a member of the United States Senate from New Hampshire introduced a bill proposed to create funds for Southern education. The idea worked well until someone introduced the motive that the federal government would maintain a hand in affairs, primarily to supervise and see that the Negro got his proper share. Such a move fell against the grain of the South. There were some who viewed education for the Negro as "a dangerous thing." If passed, the bill would have made it possible for more than a million dollars to pass from the Federal Treasury the first year to school authorities of five states, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia. A little less than a million dollars would also go to South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana. But education would have eventually meant freedom, not only to whites, but to Negroes and the bill was defeated. There has been no intention to free the Negro. If Southern Senators meant well, they-would not have to howl about the Civil Rights, irrespective of the amendments. If the South had its house in order, there would be no worry about registration, voting and restrictions. Federal intervention would have, no weight in an area where all is peaceful and serene. Often those who yell the loudest are laboring with a guilt complex. The South falls into this category; there was "no desire for you to be free." Regional Principal's GEORGIA— Lawrence W. Coleman, Cyrus W. Daniels, Robert E cation, Montgomery, Ala; and Educational officials from the states of Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi and South Carolina. Principals in attendance by states are: ALABAMA-William L. Fitts, Alonza Harvey. B. R. Jowers, and Robert E. Lawson; ARKANSAS— Carther J Jordan (teacher), George A. Meekins and John A Taylor; FLORIDA—Theophilus P. Campbell, Lucius M, Jackson, Joseph A. Johnson (teacher), Roland W. Rogers, and Hospis Harrell Smith; Davenport, Lemuel S. Molette. James S. Morgan, Joseph D. Murray, Oswald R Wright; Louisiana Morris Armstrong, Mydget R. taster; MISSISSIPPI — Rogers H. Bearden, Wisdom F. Coleman, Isaac C. Cousin, Jr., Claiborne C. Davis, Glenn Elliott, Robert F. Hathorn; MISSOURI- Harold H. Howard; NORTH CAROLINA— James E. Bats, John B. Bond, Jr., Thomas E. Boykin, Nicholas L. Dillard, Waiker Ware Ryder. James C Walkins: OKLAHOMA—Harry L Griggs; SOUTH CAROLINA—Hervert L. Evans. Louis T. Jefferson, William M. Parker, Paul A. Stewart, Sr., Heyward Suber, Isaac W Wilborry; TENNESSEE— Joseph B. Fisher. Jr., E. A. Neblett, James C. Owens, James L. Seets, Torris J Toney; TEXAS—George W. Adams,' Bernice P. Douglas, Odis F. Lewis, Percy W. Neblett; VIRGINIA—Isaac D. Faulkner, William I. Reavis. Mississippi Woman right of true American beliefs. "We have read with a lot of interest the series of articles in the Saturday Evening, Post, by John Barlow Martin and feel ashamed that so many of our otherwise finer and just people of the South have, such warped-views of the civil rights question. We have lived in Central American countries and have seen a lot of those same sort of people mix and mingle, socially, with the people of mixed bloods who predominate these same contries. We have seen men from Mississippi and Alabama and Louisiana, marry the native, girls and bring them and their children back to the states, and no questions asked, personally we have no, objection to this if it is the wishes of these involved, but we do feel it is rank injustice to accept foreign born people of mixed blood and then to deprive bur own American-born people of the same sort of mixed blood or the right to vote and all other civil rights. "I believe when the South awakens to the fact that second class citizens are a detriment to her progress, that prosperity and happiness should be shared by all that no person is inferior to another unless they themselves create that inferiority by their own misconduct. That all are the children of God. "We believe there is a solid core of white people in the South who believe this. Far more than dare to express themselves in public. These with the colored citizens of the South make a majority, even here. And a majority is the ruling force in a real democracy. "The House of Representatives voted toy about two-thirds- majority for the Civil Rights Bill. The Senate is about the same ratio according to public statements by the Senators. Then, by what rule of right or justice has some opinionated handful of men the gall to attempt by trick or by filibuster, to prevent this bill from being voted upon? "We hope Right and the Civil Rights will prevail. BELIEVES CORE EXISTS right of true American beliefs. "We have read with a lot of interest the series of articles in the Saturday Evening, Post, by John Barlow Martin and feel ashamed that so many of our otherwise finer and just people of the South have, such warped-views of the civil rights question. We have lived in Central American countries and have seen a lot of those same sort of people mix and mingle, socially, with the people of mixed bloods who predominate these same contries. We have seen men from Mississippi and Alabama and Louisiana, marry the native, girls and bring them and their children back to the states, and no questions asked, personally we have no, objection to this if it is the wishes of these involved, but we do feel it is rank injustice to accept foreign born people of mixed blood and then to deprive bur own American-born people of the same sort of mixed blood or the right to vote and all other civil rights. "I believe when the South awakens to the fact that second class citizens are a detriment to her progress, that prosperity and happiness should be shared by all that no person is inferior to another unless they themselves create that inferiority by their own misconduct. That all are the children of God. "We believe there is a solid core of white people in the South who believe this. Far more than dare to express themselves in public. These with the colored citizens of the South make a majority, even here. And a majority is the ruling force in a real democracy. "The House of Representatives voted toy about two-thirds- majority for the Civil Rights Bill. The Senate is about the same ratio according to public statements by the Senators. Then, by what rule of right or justice has some opinionated handful of men the gall to attempt by trick or by filibuster, to prevent this bill from being voted upon? "We hope Right and the Civil Rights will prevail. NAIA OPENS OFFICES IN KANSAS CITY Al O. Duer, executive secretary of the- National Association- of Intercollegiate Athletics, has announced that the national headquarters of the organization in Kansas City are now open for business. National affairs of the 465-member college group have been conducted from the campus of George. Pepperdine university in Los Angeles since 1949 when Mr. Duer took off ice as executive secretary. This is the third nation-wide athletic association on the college level to make its headquarters in Kansas City. The N.CA.A. and MissouriValley Conference offices also are here. On completion of decoration which is now in progress, the N.A. I. A. office will be the center of operation, for organization of the various regional and national activities which it sponsors. The association has an annual cross country meet in, Omaha, Neb., in November; the Aluminum Bowl college football championship game in Little Rock, Ar., in December; the national track and field meet in San Diego in June; and the newly established golf and tennis matches in Beaumont, Texas. Mr. and Mrs. Duer have taken up residence at the Plaza House at 4712 Roanoke Parkway. City Bus Service dication of when it would hand down a decision. Among those who appeared at the hearing were the following persons from the Beale Street Transportation Committee, of which Turner is, chairman. Atty. A. T. Lochard, Madame Gorine Young of the Gorine Beauty College;' L. D. Matlock, head of the Beale Street U. S. Post Office; C. D. Harper from Union Protective Insurance Company; Rev. D. C. Patterson and Rev. H. Robinson. from the Polk printing company; a representative from Beale Street Baptist Church; Atty. A, A. Letting: Johnny R._ Arnold of Arnold and Associates; Paul Zerilla, owner of the three theatres on Beale Street; Rev. J. A. McDaniel, executive secretary of the local Urban League; C. J. Gaston of the Negro Chamber of Commerce and others. MEMPHIS WORLD Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition Want Ad Information Call JA. 6-4030 Deadline For Classified Ad Is Tuesday for Saturday's Edition and Saturday for Wednesday's Edition BYRD TRANSFER COMPANY — Reliable handlers, Quick Service. $3 per room Day or Night- CallBR. 6-3020 IN THE NATION'S CAPITOL ONET MUST CONSIDER the source of the abusive speech made against, civil rights on the: Senate floor by Senator Harry F. Byrd, Democrat, of Virginia, on July 16. Byrd vented his spleen on the Chief Justice of the United States, the Attorney General, the NAACP and Americans for Democratic Action. Who is Byrd and what contribution has he made to American civilization in the 70 years he has lived, or to American legislation in the 24 years he has been a member of the United States Senate? His autobiography in the Congressional Director is very scant — as if he were ashamed of the status into which he was born. Nothing is said about his educational background or lack of it. All it tells is that he was elected to the Virginia senate in 1915, in which he served until he was elected Governor for the term 1926-30, was appointed to the United States Senate on March 4,1933, and has been elected and reelected to that body ever since. "Who's Who In America," however, gives his limited educational background. He received his education in the public schools and at Shenandoah Valley Academy. He is an apple grower. Byrd is the political boss of Virginia, a backward state, one of five which still requires payment of a poll tax as a condition for voting. Every time repeal of the poll tax is considered, the Byrd machine would write so many other restrictions on voting in its place that opponents of the poll tax wonder if anything would be accomplished by its repeal. Yet Byrd had the gall to call Chief Justice Warren "the modern Thaddeus Stevens, now cloaked in the robes of the Chief Justice of the United States. Except for the insulting context in which Byrd made his reference to Chief Justice Warren, the Chief Justice should feel complimented to be called a "modern Thaddeus until he closed debate on May 10, 1866, with the declaration that the southern states should not return except "as supplicants in sackcloth and ashes," nearly all the "radical" Republicans in the House echoed his disappointment that the vote for the colored man was not directly included in the proposed amendment. Stevens contended that what, was proposed "is all that can be obtained in the present state of public opinion." It seems odd that 91 years later Stevens." Stevens, a statesman and an abolitionist, fought "for human freedom, equality and human dignity. Elected to Congress as a Whig, he served in that body from March 4, 1849, to March 3, 1853. Elected as a Republican to the 36th Congress and the Jour succeeding congresses he served as a Republican from March 4, 1859, until his death Aug.. 11, 1868. Steven is regarded by southerners as a fanatical radical because of the part he played in reconstruction. He was chairman of the Managers appointed by the House in 1868 to conduct impeachment proceedings against President Andrew Johnson. He drafted the Reconstruction Act of March 2, 186T, "to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel states." The unsuccessful impeachment proceedings against Johnson arose out of his differences with Congress on reconstruction policy. The Reconstruction Act divided the southern states into five military districts. It provided that military supervision would be with drawn, and a states representative readmitted to Congress after it had (1)-framed a new constitution "in conformity with, the Constitution of the United States in all respects. (2) adopted universal male suffrage, and (3) ratified the 14th Amendment. Stevens also was chairman of the House group of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, created by the Congress. The first proposal to be reported by the Joint Committee was the Stevens "appointment" amendment. This amendment proposed to reduce the Congressional representation of a state which excluded any group of citizens from voting on account of race or color. After an amendment concerning appointment of direct taxes, the Stevens "appointment" amendment passed the House with little discussion. Two proposals, one by Stevens and the other by Congressman Bingham, were the precursor of section 1 of the 14th Amendment. Stevens "appointment" amendment became section 2. From the opening statement on section 1 by Stevens on May 8, 1866 CONSIDER SOURCE ONET MUST CONSIDER the source of the abusive speech made against, civil rights on the: Senate floor by Senator Harry F. Byrd, Democrat, of Virginia, on July 16. Byrd vented his spleen on the Chief Justice of the United States, the Attorney General, the NAACP and Americans for Democratic Action. Who is Byrd and what contribution has he made to American civilization in the 70 years he has lived, or to American legislation in the 24 years he has been a member of the United States Senate? His autobiography in the Congressional Director is very scant — as if he were ashamed of the status into which he was born. Nothing is said about his educational background or lack of it. All it tells is that he was elected to the Virginia senate in 1915, in which he served until he was elected Governor for the term 1926-30, was appointed to the United States Senate on March 4,1933, and has been elected and reelected to that body ever since. "Who's Who In America," however, gives his limited educational background. He received his education in the public schools and at Shenandoah Valley Academy. He is an apple grower. Byrd is the political boss of Virginia, a backward state, one of five which still requires payment of a poll tax as a condition for voting. Every time repeal of the poll tax is considered, the Byrd machine would write so many other restrictions on voting in its place that opponents of the poll tax wonder if anything would be accomplished by its repeal. Yet Byrd had the gall to call Chief Justice Warren "the modern Thaddeus Stevens, now cloaked in the robes of the Chief Justice of the United States. Except for the insulting context in which Byrd made his reference to Chief Justice Warren, the Chief Justice should feel complimented to be called a "modern Thaddeus until he closed debate on May 10, 1866, with the declaration that the southern states should not return except "as supplicants in sackcloth and ashes," nearly all the "radical" Republicans in the House echoed his disappointment that the vote for the colored man was not directly included in the proposed amendment. Stevens contended that what, was proposed "is all that can be obtained in the present state of public opinion." It seems odd that 91 years later Stevens." Stevens, a statesman and an abolitionist, fought "for human freedom, equality and human dignity. Elected to Congress as a Whig, he served in that body from March 4, 1849, to March 3, 1853. Elected as a Republican to the 36th Congress and the Jour succeeding congresses he served as a Republican from March 4, 1859, until his death Aug.. 11, 1868. Steven is regarded by southerners as a fanatical radical because of the part he played in reconstruction. He was chairman of the Managers appointed by the House in 1868 to conduct impeachment proceedings against President Andrew Johnson. He drafted the Reconstruction Act of March 2, 186T, "to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel states." The unsuccessful impeachment proceedings against Johnson arose out of his differences with Congress on reconstruction policy. The Reconstruction Act divided the southern states into five military districts. It provided that military supervision would be with drawn, and a states representative readmitted to Congress after it had (1)-framed a new constitution "in conformity with, the Constitution of the United States in all respects. (2) adopted universal male suffrage, and (3) ratified the 14th Amendment. Stevens also was chairman of the House group of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, created by the Congress. The first proposal to be reported by the Joint Committee was the Stevens "appointment" amendment. This amendment proposed to reduce the Congressional representation of a state which excluded any group of citizens from voting on account of race or color. After an amendment concerning appointment of direct taxes, the Stevens "appointment" amendment passed the House with little discussion. Two proposals, one by Stevens and the other by Congressman Bingham, were the precursor of section 1 of the 14th Amendment. Stevens "appointment" amendment became section 2. From the opening statement on section 1 by Stevens on May 8, 1866 POLITICAL SOURCE ONET MUST CONSIDER the source of the abusive speech made against, civil rights on the: Senate floor by Senator Harry F. Byrd, Democrat, of Virginia, on July 16. Byrd vented his spleen on the Chief Justice of the United States, the Attorney General, the NAACP and Americans for Democratic Action. Who is Byrd and what contribution has he made to American civilization in the 70 years he has lived, or to American legislation in the 24 years he has been a member of the United States Senate? His autobiography in the Congressional Director is very scant — as if he were ashamed of the status into which he was born. Nothing is said about his educational background or lack of it. All it tells is that he was elected to the Virginia senate in 1915, in which he served until he was elected Governor for the term 1926-30, was appointed to the United States Senate on March 4,1933, and has been elected and reelected to that body ever since. "Who's Who In America," however, gives his limited educational background. He received his education in the public schools and at Shenandoah Valley Academy. He is an apple grower. Byrd is the political boss of Virginia, a backward state, one of five which still requires payment of a poll tax as a condition for voting. Every time repeal of the poll tax is considered, the Byrd machine would write so many other restrictions on voting in its place that opponents of the poll tax wonder if anything would be accomplished by its repeal. Yet Byrd had the gall to call Chief Justice Warren "the modern Thaddeus Stevens, now cloaked in the robes of the Chief Justice of the United States. Except for the insulting context in which Byrd made his reference to Chief Justice Warren, the Chief Justice should feel complimented to be called a "modern Thaddeus until he closed debate on May 10, 1866, with the declaration that the southern states should not return except "as supplicants in sackcloth and ashes," nearly all the "radical" Republicans in the House echoed his disappointment that the vote for the colored man was not directly included in the proposed amendment. Stevens contended that what, was proposed "is all that can be obtained in the present state of public opinion." It seems odd that 91 years later Stevens." Stevens, a statesman and an abolitionist, fought "for human freedom, equality and human dignity. Elected to Congress as a Whig, he served in that body from March 4, 1849, to March 3, 1853. Elected as a Republican to the 36th Congress and the Jour succeeding congresses he served as a Republican from March 4, 1859, until his death Aug.. 11, 1868. Steven is regarded by southerners as a fanatical radical because of the part he played in reconstruction. He was chairman of the Managers appointed by the House in 1868 to conduct impeachment proceedings against President Andrew Johnson. He drafted the Reconstruction Act of March 2, 186T, "to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel states." The unsuccessful impeachment proceedings against Johnson arose out of his differences with Congress on reconstruction policy. The Reconstruction Act divided the southern states into five military districts. It provided that military supervision would be with drawn, and a states representative readmitted to Congress after it had (1)-framed a new constitution "in conformity with, the Constitution of the United States in all respects. (2) adopted universal male suffrage, and (3) ratified the 14th Amendment. Stevens also was chairman of the House group of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, created by the Congress. The first proposal to be reported by the Joint Committee was the Stevens "appointment" amendment. This amendment proposed to reduce the Congressional representation of a state which excluded any group of citizens from voting on account of race or color. After an amendment concerning appointment of direct taxes, the Stevens "appointment" amendment passed the House with little discussion. Two proposals, one by Stevens and the other by Congressman Bingham, were the precursor of section 1 of the 14th Amendment. Stevens "appointment" amendment became section 2. From the opening statement on section 1 by Stevens on May 8, 1866 5 MILITARY DISTRICTS ONET MUST CONSIDER the source of the abusive speech made against, civil rights on the: Senate floor by Senator Harry F. Byrd, Democrat, of Virginia, on July 16. Byrd vented his spleen on the Chief Justice of the United States, the Attorney General, the NAACP and Americans for Democratic Action. Who is Byrd and what contribution has he made to American civilization in the 70 years he has lived, or to American legislation in the 24 years he has been a member of the United States Senate? His autobiography in the Congressional Director is very scant — as if he were ashamed of the status into which he was born. Nothing is said about his educational background or lack of it. All it tells is that he was elected to the Virginia senate in 1915, in which he served until he was elected Governor for the term 1926-30, was appointed to the United States Senate on March 4,1933, and has been elected and reelected to that body ever since. "Who's Who In America," however, gives his limited educational background. He received his education in the public schools and at Shenandoah Valley Academy. He is an apple grower. Byrd is the political boss of Virginia, a backward state, one of five which still requires payment of a poll tax as a condition for voting. Every time repeal of the poll tax is considered, the Byrd machine would write so many other restrictions on voting in its place that opponents of the poll tax wonder if anything would be accomplished by its repeal. Yet Byrd had the gall to call Chief Justice Warren "the modern Thaddeus Stevens, now cloaked in the robes of the Chief Justice of the United States. Except for the insulting context in which Byrd made his reference to Chief Justice Warren, the Chief Justice should feel complimented to be called a "modern Thaddeus until he closed debate on May 10, 1866, with the declaration that the southern states should not return except "as supplicants in sackcloth and ashes," nearly all the "radical" Republicans in the House echoed his disappointment that the vote for the colored man was not directly included in the proposed amendment. Stevens contended that what, was proposed "is all that can be obtained in the present state of public opinion." It seems odd that 91 years later Stevens." Stevens, a statesman and an abolitionist, fought "for human freedom, equality and human dignity. Elected to Congress as a Whig, he served in that body from March 4, 1849, to March 3, 1853. Elected as a Republican to the 36th Congress and the Jour succeeding congresses he served as a Republican from March 4, 1859, until his death Aug.. 11, 1868. Steven is regarded by southerners as a fanatical radical because of the part he played in reconstruction. He was chairman of the Managers appointed by the House in 1868 to conduct impeachment proceedings against President Andrew Johnson. He drafted the Reconstruction Act of March 2, 186T, "to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel states." The unsuccessful impeachment proceedings against Johnson arose out of his differences with Congress on reconstruction policy. The Reconstruction Act divided the southern states into five military districts. It provided that military supervision would be with drawn, and a states representative readmitted to Congress after it had (1)-framed a new constitution "in conformity with, the Constitution of the United States in all respects. (2) adopted universal male suffrage, and (3) ratified the 14th Amendment. Stevens also was chairman of the House group of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, created by the Congress. The first proposal to be reported by the Joint Committee was the Stevens "appointment" amendment. This amendment proposed to reduce the Congressional representation of a state which excluded any group of citizens from voting on account of race or color. After an amendment concerning appointment of direct taxes, the Stevens "appointment" amendment passed the House with little discussion. Two proposals, one by Stevens and the other by Congressman Bingham, were the precursor of section 1 of the 14th Amendment. Stevens "appointment" amendment became section 2. From the opening statement on section 1 by Stevens on May 8, 1866 Conference Called Rouge, secretary; Medgar Evers. Jackson, Mississippi, assistant secretary and Rev. F. L. Shuttlesworth, Birmingham, historian and Rev. R. D. Abernathy, Montgomery, treasurer. YOU CAN DIE LAUGHING By A. A. FAIR (ERLE STANLEY GARDNER) © 1957 by Erle Stanley Gardner. Reprinted by arrangement with William Morrow & Co. Distribute by King Features Syndicates I OPENED the door marked COOL & LAM, INVESTIGATORS. The names of the partners; were down in the lower lefthand corner, B. COOL, DONALD LAM, and over on the right-hand side the word ENTER. The B. Cool" of the partnership was one: hundred-sixty-five-pound Bertha Cool, but she wouldn't let her name be put on the door as Bertha Cool, only as B. Cool. "People who are in trouble don't want to come to a woman," she'd say. "They want a man. They want a rough, tough, twofisted, hard-boiled man. They fight shy of a woman. Women are supposed to be delicate, sexy creatures. "I'm just as rough, just as tough, Just as hard-boiled, just as two-fisted as any man in the country. Let them come to me arid I'll show them the kind of thinking that will make most men look like pantywaists." She didn't miss It far at that. Her hundred and sixty-five pounds was hard flesh; and she was as unyielding as a roll of barbed wire. However, she was right about her name oh the door. Some of the people who had heard of the firm, and came in to consult the senior partner, Would have shied off if they'd seen the name of a woman. As I entered the reception office, there were storm signals all over the place. The receptionist waved her hand and pointed toward Bertha Cool's office. One of the stenographers winked at me and nodded toward the cubbyhole that said B. Cool, Private. The file girl ducked behind the filing cabinet, came up smiling, pointed toward Bertha Cool's office, then ducked again. I grinned to let them know 1 understood what they were trying to tell me and walked or over to the door marked Donald . Elsie Brand, my confidential secretary, looked up from her typing and said, "Good morning Donald. Have you seen Bertha?" The words weren't much more than out of her mouth when Ber tha Cool's big hand wrenched the doorknob back and jerked the door open as though she had been trying to pull it off the hinges. "Well, where have you been? she asked. "Out," I said. "I'll say you've been out!" she stormed. "You were out where no one could reach you. -We ma have lost the" biggest" Job the office ever had." "What?" I asked. "Oil," Bertha said, her avaricious little eyes blinking at me wit animosity. "Sit down and take the load off your blood pressure," I invited. Bertha Cool looked at her watch. "He's coming back at tenthirty." "Then we haven't lost him," I said. "We can't tell until he gets back." "What's his name?" "Lawton C. Corning, from Texas." "Was he looking for me?" I asked. "He was looking for me," Bertha said. "Someone had referred him to the firm saying we could do a good job for him, and then he got afraid I'd be too soft and easy because I was a woman, so he wanted to see you. My God! I don't know what makes men such fools! They think it takes a man to be tough. "Take you, for instance. Some cute little babe with nice legs and a wasp waist can wrap you around her finger like a piece of twine. You don't weigh over a hundred and thirty-five pounds soaking wet, and you've never won a fight in your life. I'm a hundred and sixty pounds of pure cussedness. A man can't wheedle me. A woman can't soft-soap me; and—" "A hundred and sixty pounds?" I asked. "Have you lost weight?" Her face colored. "Well, I'm to reduce," she said. "I'm starting a diet." "It was a hundred and sixtyfive the last I heard," I said. "Oh, go to the devil!" she told me; "When this man comes in, try to be where I can get you. It may make a difference of a few thousand dollars to us, not that money means anything to . I suppose you've just finished breakfasting with some doeeyed little blonde and have a luncheon date with—" "And he's due at ten-thirty?" I interrupted. She looked at her watch. "In exactly fifteen minutes," she said, turned and banged her way out of the office. "I grinned at Elsie Brand. "Well the day starts." "Boy, was she fit to be tied!" Elsie said. She was telephoning all over the place. She had visions of a big oil case getting away from us.' "What's the case? Do you know?" Only that she thinks it in involves all. That's enough for Bertha." I went over to my desk where Elsie "had opened the mail, and went through the letters. There was the usual assortment People who wanted things, people who had suggestions that weren't worth a damn, and a couple of letters from people who were willing to tip me off to what might well turn out to be the biggest case we had ever handled, but who wanted a cut. A couple of letters needed answering. I pushed them off to one side, picked up the wastebasket and scooped the rest of the stuff into the basket. "Answer these two when you get around to it," I told Elsie. The buzzer on my desk started sounding like the answer to "a three-alarm fire. I looked at my watch. It was two minutes before ten-thirty. "He's prompt," I said. "Get an oil well for me while you're about it, will you, Donald?" Elsie asked. "Sure," I told her. "I'll-get you a couple. Bertha won't want more than one," I walked on into Bertha Cool's office. The man had Texas stamped all over him. He had a big, rawboned frame, high cheekbones, wide, determined mouth, steely gray eyes, and bushy eyebrows. He was wearing new cowboy boots, a big belt with a huge silver belt buckle, and there was a five gallon hat parked on the chair next to him. Bertha was beaming like a dowager presenting a marriageable daughter to a millionaire. "Mr. Corning" she said, "I want you to shake hands with Donald Lam. Donald is little, but he's brainy. When he starts in on a case, he gets to the bottom of it. They beat him up once. In a while but they can't make him quit, can they, Donald?" I ignored the question and put out my hand to Corning. "Glad to meet you," I said. "How are you?" Corning said, shooting out a big hand that engulfed mine in the grip of a vise, elevating his shoulder and squeezing down. "Mr. Corning is from Texas, Bertha explained, beaming at me. I looked him over, said, "Is that so?" and sat down, nursing my crushed fingers. "Now, "suppose you tell Mr. Lara exactly what it is you want," Bertha said to Corning. "It's very simple," Corning. said. "I want you to locate Mrs. Drury Wells for me—Yvonne Wells." "And then?" Bertha asked hopefully. "That's all," Corning said in a tone of finality. Bertha's greedy little eyes blinked at him, the lids going up e and down at the rate of a hundred times a minute. "That isn't what you told me an hour ago," she said. "It's what I'm telling you now," he said. © 1957 by Erie Stanley Godner. From the book published by William Morrow & Co., Distributed by King Features Syndicates. CHAPTER 1 By A. A. FAIR (ERLE STANLEY GARDNER) © 1957 by Erle Stanley Gardner. Reprinted by arrangement with William Morrow & Co. Distribute by King Features Syndicates I OPENED the door marked COOL & LAM, INVESTIGATORS. The names of the partners; were down in the lower lefthand corner, B. COOL, DONALD LAM, and over on the right-hand side the word ENTER. The B. Cool" of the partnership was one: hundred-sixty-five-pound Bertha Cool, but she wouldn't let her name be put on the door as Bertha Cool, only as B. Cool. "People who are in trouble don't want to come to a woman," she'd say. "They want a man. They want a rough, tough, twofisted, hard-boiled man. They fight shy of a woman. Women are supposed to be delicate, sexy creatures. "I'm just as rough, just as tough, Just as hard-boiled, just as two-fisted as any man in the country. Let them come to me arid I'll show them the kind of thinking that will make most men look like pantywaists." She didn't miss It far at that. Her hundred and sixty-five pounds was hard flesh; and she was as unyielding as a roll of barbed wire. However, she was right about her name oh the door. Some of the people who had heard of the firm, and came in to consult the senior partner, Would have shied off if they'd seen the name of a woman. As I entered the reception office, there were storm signals all over the place. The receptionist waved her hand and pointed toward Bertha Cool's office. One of the stenographers winked at me and nodded toward the cubbyhole that said B. Cool, Private. The file girl ducked behind the filing cabinet, came up smiling, pointed toward Bertha Cool's office, then ducked again. I grinned to let them know 1 understood what they were trying to tell me and walked or over to the door marked Donald . Elsie Brand, my confidential secretary, looked up from her typing and said, "Good morning Donald. Have you seen Bertha?" The words weren't much more than out of her mouth when Ber tha Cool's big hand wrenched the doorknob back and jerked the door open as though she had been trying to pull it off the hinges. "Well, where have you been? she asked. "Out," I said. "I'll say you've been out!" she stormed. "You were out where no one could reach you. -We ma have lost the" biggest" Job the office ever had." "What?" I asked. "Oil," Bertha said, her avaricious little eyes blinking at me wit animosity. "Sit down and take the load off your blood pressure," I invited. Bertha Cool looked at her watch. "He's coming back at tenthirty." "Then we haven't lost him," I said. "We can't tell until he gets back." "What's his name?" "Lawton C. Corning, from Texas." "Was he looking for me?" I asked. "He was looking for me," Bertha said. "Someone had referred him to the firm saying we could do a good job for him, and then he got afraid I'd be too soft and easy because I was a woman, so he wanted to see you. My God! I don't know what makes men such fools! They think it takes a man to be tough. "Take you, for instance. Some cute little babe with nice legs and a wasp waist can wrap you around her finger like a piece of twine. You don't weigh over a hundred and thirty-five pounds soaking wet, and you've never won a fight in your life. I'm a hundred and sixty pounds of pure cussedness. A man can't wheedle me. A woman can't soft-soap me; and—" "A hundred and sixty pounds?" I asked. "Have you lost weight?" Her face colored. "Well, I'm to reduce," she said. "I'm starting a diet." "It was a hundred and sixtyfive the last I heard," I said. "Oh, go to the devil!" she told me; "When this man comes in, try to be where I can get you. It may make a difference of a few thousand dollars to us, not that money means anything to . I suppose you've just finished breakfasting with some doeeyed little blonde and have a luncheon date with—" "And he's due at ten-thirty?" I interrupted. She looked at her watch. "In exactly fifteen minutes," she said, turned and banged her way out of the office. "I grinned at Elsie Brand. "Well the day starts." "Boy, was she fit to be tied!" Elsie said. She was telephoning all over the place. She had visions of a big oil case getting away from us.' "What's the case? Do you know?" Only that she thinks it in involves all. That's enough for Bertha." I went over to my desk where Elsie "had opened the mail, and went through the letters. There was the usual assortment People who wanted things, people who had suggestions that weren't worth a damn, and a couple of letters from people who were willing to tip me off to what might well turn out to be the biggest case we had ever handled, but who wanted a cut. A couple of letters needed answering. I pushed them off to one side, picked up the wastebasket and scooped the rest of the stuff into the basket. "Answer these two when you get around to it," I told Elsie. The buzzer on my desk started sounding like the answer to "a three-alarm fire. I looked at my watch. It was two minutes before ten-thirty. "He's prompt," I said. "Get an oil well for me while you're about it, will you, Donald?" Elsie asked. "Sure," I told her. "I'll-get you a couple. Bertha won't want more than one," I walked on into Bertha Cool's office. The man had Texas stamped all over him. He had a big, rawboned frame, high cheekbones, wide, determined mouth, steely gray eyes, and bushy eyebrows. He was wearing new cowboy boots, a big belt with a huge silver belt buckle, and there was a five gallon hat parked on the chair next to him. Bertha was beaming like a dowager presenting a marriageable daughter to a millionaire. "Mr. Corning" she said, "I want you to shake hands with Donald Lam. Donald is little, but he's brainy. When he starts in on a case, he gets to the bottom of it. They beat him up once. In a while but they can't make him quit, can they, Donald?" I ignored the question and put out my hand to Corning. "Glad to meet you," I said. "How are you?" Corning said, shooting out a big hand that engulfed mine in the grip of a vise, elevating his shoulder and squeezing down. "Mr. Corning is from Texas, Bertha explained, beaming at me. I looked him over, said, "Is that so?" and sat down, nursing my crushed fingers. "Now, "suppose you tell Mr. Lara exactly what it is you want," Bertha said to Corning. "It's very simple," Corning. said. "I want you to locate Mrs. Drury Wells for me—Yvonne Wells." "And then?" Bertha asked hopefully. "That's all," Corning said in a tone of finality. Bertha's greedy little eyes blinked at him, the lids going up e and down at the rate of a hundred times a minute. "That isn't what you told me an hour ago," she said. "It's what I'm telling you now," he said. © 1957 by Erie Stanley Godner. From the book published by William Morrow & Co., Distributed by King Features Syndicates. WISHING WELL Registered U. S. Patent Office. HERE is a pleasant little game that will give you a message every day. It is a numerical puzzle designed to spell out your fortune. Count the letters in your first name. If the number of letters is 6 or more, subtract 4. If the number is less than 6, add 3. The result is your key number. Start at the upper left-hand comer of the rectangle and check every one of your key numbers, left to right. Then read the message the letters under the checked figures give you. Morrow Of White House Buys New Jersey Estate E. Frederic Morrow at the WhiteHouse staff in Washington - and his sister, Mrs. Nellie Parker, a school teacher in Hackensack, have purchased a quite fabulous estate here in Englewood. They have named the new holdings, "The Witts." Morrow, who is doing a particularly outstanding job in tile White House where he is liaison - and in charge of the special projects initiated by President' Eisenhower is a frequent visitor in Chicago. Whether there is any relationship between the beautiful ring being worn by a popular and' highly esteemed Chicago, socialite, the principals have not revealed.